WORKS ISSUED RY
TLhe Ifoaklirçt Society
THE JOURNAL
OF
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
ETC.
No. LXXXVI.
A gran admiracion a gran espanto
Pensando sus grandezas me provoco
Y su mayor loor en qualquier canto
No se podrá decir escesco loco :
Pues Castilla y Leon le debe tanto
Que cuanto puedo yo decir es poço
No procuro deleites ni gasajos
Mas sufridor fue grande de trabajos.
Juan ue Castellanos, Elegia IV.
THE JOURNAL
OF
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS
(During his First Voyage, 1492-93),
AND
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE VOYAGES
OF
JOHN CABOT
AND
GASPAR CORTE REAL.
©ranulatrb, to it!) jiotre anir an SntroDurtion,
BY
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.,
PRESIDENT OF THE HAKI.tVT SOCIETY,
LONDON :
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY,
4, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, W.C.
M.DCCC.XCIII.
ISO
9 ■*
LONDON :
PRINTED BY CHAS. J. CLARK, 4, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, W.C.
COUNCIL
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
Clements R. Maekham, Esq., C.B., F.R.S., President.
Major-General Sir Henry Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., I.L.D., F.R.S.
Associe Etranger de L Instituí de France, Vice-President.
Lord Aberdare, G.C.B., F.R.S., late Pres. R.G.S.
S. E. B. Bouverie-Pusev, Esq.
Vice-Admiral Lindesay Brine.
Robert Brown, Esq., M.A., Ph.D.
Miller Christy, Esq.
The Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart E. Grant Duff, G.C.S.I., Pres. R.G.S.
Albert Gray, Esq.
A. P. Maudslay, Esq.
Admiral Sir E. Ommanney, C.B. , F.R.S.
E. A. Petherick, Esq.
Ernest SATOW, Esq., C.M.G. , Minister Resident in Uruguay.
S. W. Silver, Esq.
Coutts Trotter, Esq.
Prof. E. B. Tylor, D.C.L.
Captain Sir J. Sydney Webb, K.C.M.G.
Captain W. J. L. Wharton, R.X.
E. Delmar Morgan. Honorary Secretary.
f nr*0/i k
CONTENTS.
Introduction :
i. Journal of Columbus
ii. John Cabot
in. Sebastian Cabot .
iv. Gaspar Corte Real
Sailing Directions of Columbus.
NELLI
Letters of Tosca-
journal of the first voyage of columbus
Documents relating to the Voyages of John Cabot
Letters Patent granted to John Cabot and his sons
Name of the ship ....
Date of sailing ....
Landfall. Legend on the map of Sebastian Cabot
Reward for John Cabot
Letter from Lorenzo Pasqualigo
First Despatch from Raimondo di Soncino .
Second Despatch from Raimondo di Soncino
Second Letters Patent granted to John Cabot
Despatch from Ambassador Puebla .
Despatch from Ambassador Ayala
Documents relating to Sebastian Cabot :
From the Decades of Peter Martyr
Ramusio. Recollection of a letter
Account by the Guest of Fracastor, in Ramusio
From Gomara .....
From Galvano .....
Venetian Intrigues. Letter from the Council of Ten
i
ix
xxii
xliv
3
15
197
199
199
200
201
201
202
203
206
207
208
209
211
212
215
216
217
VIII CONTENTS.
Reward to Cabot's agent
Despatch from Ambassador Contarini
Second Despatch from Contarini
Letter from the Council of Ten to Contarini
Letter from the Ragusan to Cabot
Third Despatch from Contarini
The Council of Ten to Soranzo
PACK
218
219
223
224
225
225
226
Documents relating to the Voyages of Gaspar Corte
Real :
Extract from Galvão ...... 229
Extract from Damian de Goes .... 230
Letter from Cantino to the Duke of Ferrara . . . 232
Letter from Pasqualigo to the Government of Venice . 235
Letter from Pasqualigo to his brothers . . . 236
Payment for the Cantino Map .... 238
Legends on the Cantino Map .... 239
Index to the Journal of Columbus . . .241
Index to the Documents relating to the Voyages of
John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real . . 253
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Sketch of the vessels in the first voyage of Columbus to face page iv
Map of Juan de la Cosa . . . . . „ xx
Map of Sebastian Cabot . . . . . xxxii
Restoration of the Toscanelli Map . . • » 3
Map of Cantino ...... 240
w ^y-fià
v 5E5E pugg 3E3E g, -^c-.
BBg
INTRODUCTION.
I. — Journal of Columbus.
HE Council of the Hakluyt So-
ciety has decided upon issuing
a translation of the Journal of
the First Voyage of Columbus on
the four hundredth anniversary
of that momentous expedition. It has also been
arranged that translations of the documents relating
to the voyages of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte
Real shall be included in the same volume. Those
voyages were direct consequences of the great dis-
covery of Columbus. The Society has to thank Mr.
Harrisse, whose exhaustive works on the Cabots
and Corte Reals leave little but translation to be
done, for his kindness in giving permission for the
translation from his texts of some important docu-
ments,1 the originals of which are difficult of access :
and also for permission to reproduce portions of the
1 Specified in their places.
11 INTRODUCTION.
Cantino and La Cosa maps from his impressions.
The thanks of the Society are also due to Mr. H.
Welter, the publisher of Mr. Harrisse's last work,
for permission to make use of the plates of the
maps of Juan de la Cosa and Cantino.
Our late Secretary, Mr. R. H. Major, by his pro-
duction of the Select Letters of Columbus (1847 ! 2n<^
ed., 1870), brought within the reach of members of
this Society all the letters written by the Admiral
himself on the subject of his four voyages, as well
as some other original documents. There remains
for the Council to furnish the members with a trans-
lation of the Journal of the first voyage, the only one
that has been preserved, and this in a mutilated
form. Our series will then contain all the contri-
butions of the great discoverer himself, that have
escaped destruction, to the history of his mighty
achievements.
It is necessary, for the proper understanding of
the Journal, that it should be preceded by the
Toscanelli correspondence, because constant allusion
is made to it by the Admiral ; the places mentioned
by Toscanelli were anxiously sought for at every
turn; and the letters of Toscanelli were practically
the sailing directions of Columbus. The famous
Florentine astronomer, Paolo Toscanelli, was looked
upon as the highest authority on cosmography and
navigation in that age. King Affonso V of Portu-
gal, through the Canon Fernam Martins, made an
application to Toscanelli for information respecting
the voyage westward to India. The astronomer
INTRODUCTION. Ill
replied fully on June 25th, 1474, enclosing a map.
Soon afterwards Columbus, who was then at Lisbon,
and had long pondered over these questions, re-
solved to make a similar application to the Florentine
philosopher. He sent a letter, together with a small
globe embodying his ideas, to Toscanelli, entrusting
them to the care of an Italian named Lorenzo
Birardi, who was going to Florence.1 The reply
was satisfactory.2 Toscanelli sent his correspondent
a copy of his letter to Martins, and a copy of the
map, with some additional remarks. It was that
letter and that map that were destined to play so
important a part in the conduct of the first voyage.
Columbus replied, and received a second briefer but
equally cordial letter from Toscanelli. The Tos-
canelli correspondence is given in Italian in the
Vita dell Ammiraglio? and in Spanish in the History
of Las Casas.4 Both these translations are inaccu-
rate, and several passages are inserted that are not
in the original, which was in Latin. This original
Latin text was discovered in i860, in the Colum-
bine Library at Seville, by the librarian, Don
José Maria Fernandez de Velasco. He found it
in the Admiral's own handwriting, on a fly-leaf of
one of the books which belono-ed to Columbus.5
1 Las Casas, i, p. 92.
2 The date of the letter to Columbus is discussed in a note at
pages 3 and 4. 3 Cap. xiii.
4 Las Casas, i, 92-96. Las Casas, by mistake, calls Toscanelli
Marco Paulo, instead of Paulo, in two places.
5 The book is Historia rerum ubique gestarum, by Eneas Silvio
Piccolomini (Venice, 1477, small folio, 105 leaves).
b 2
IV INTRODUCTION.
I have translated from the Latin text, as given in
his life of Columbus by Don José Maria Asensio.1
The Toscanelli map is lost. It was in possession of
Las Casas when he wrote his history, and that is
the last trace we have of it. But it is so minutely
described in the letter that its restoration, with help
from the globe of Martin Behaim, is not difficult.
This has been well done in Das Ausland (1867,
p. 5), and the restoration there given has been
repeated to illustrate this volume.2
With the letter and map of Toscanelli as his
sailing directions and chart, Columbus began to
make entries in his Journal of Navigation, morning
and evening, from the day he left Palos. He gives
no special description of his three vessels, but it is
believed that sketches of them, drawn by his own
hand, have been preserved. In the Columbine
Library at Seville, in the edition of the first decade
of Peter Martyr, which belonged to the Admiral's
son Fernando, there is a map of Espanola drawn
with a pen, and showing the earliest Spanish forts
and settlements. In two places on the map there
are outline sketches of the three caravels, and in the
opinion of competent persons these sketches are by
Columbus himself. If so, they are the only authentic
representations of the first vessels that ever crossed
1 Cristobal Colon, por D. José Maria Asensio (Barcelona, 1890),
i, p. 250.
- The Ausland restoration is given by Winsor in his Narrative
and Critical History of America, ii, p. 103, and in his Columbus,
p. no.
INTRODUCTION. V
the Atlantic. One of them has been reproduced to
illustrate this volume.1
The Admiral diligently wrote his Journal until
the day of his return to Palos. It was forwarded to
Ferdinand and Isabella ; but it is now lost. Las
Casas had access to it when he wrote his history,
and gives a very full abstract,2 which was condensed
by Herrera.3 It was also used by Fernando Columbus
in the Vita dell Ammiraglio} In one place, where
the Admiral describes his proceedings in the storm,
when he threw a brief account of the voyage over-
board in a barrel, the version of Fernando is much
more full than that of Las Casas, and appears to be
copied word for word. I have noticed the differ-
ences in their place. It is probable that Bernaldez
also had access to the Journal, but made no great
use of it,5 and Oviedo never appears to have seen it.6
In the archives of the Duke of Infantado there
was, in the end of the last century, a small folio
volume in a parchment cover, consisting of seventy-
six leaves closely written. It is in the handwriting
of Las Casas. There is another old volume, but
somewhat later than that of Las Casas, also in folio,
and with a similar cover, consisting of 140 leaves.
These are duplicate copies of a full abstract of the
1 Asensio, i, p. 276.
2 Lib. 1, caps, xxxv to lxxv. The History by Las Casas was
printed for the first time in 1875.
3 Dec. I, Lib. 1, caps, ix to xx, and Lib. 11, caps, i to iii.
4 Cap. xxxvi.
'° Historia de los Reyes Católicos, first printed in 1856.
0 Historia General de las índias.
VI INTRODUCTION.
Journal of Columbus. They were carefully collated
by Don Juan Bautista Munoz, the learned cosmo-
grapher of the Indies, and by Don Martin Fernandez
Navarrete at Madrid, in February 1 791. The ab-
stract of the Journal, in the handwriting of Las
Casas, was printed by Navarrete in the first volume
of his Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que
hicieron p07r mar los Espanoles, and published in
1825. The present translation is made from the
text of Navarrete.1
The Prologue, which is in fact the covering- letter
to Ferdinand and Isabella, is piven in full. The
rest is an abstract of the entries of each day, but
there are long and frequent quotations, word for
word, which are shown by the phrases " the Admiral
says", or "these are the Admiral's words". In
more than one place Las Casas complains of the
illegible character of the handwriting of the original
document from which he is making his abstract, but
the mistakes appear to be chiefly with regard to
figures. The substitution, of leagues for miles occurs
several times ; and there are other blunders of the
same kind, due to inaccurate transcription.
The Journal, even in the mutilated condition in
which it has come down to us, is a document of
1 Sixty-six years ago a translation was made in America, at the
suggestion of Mr. Ticknor: Personal Narrative of the First Voyage
of Columbus, translated by Samuel Kettell (Boston, 1827). A
portion was also translated by Admiral Becher (12th Oct. to 28th
Oct.), for the purposes of his book, the Landfall of Columbus
(Potter, 1856).
INTRODUCTION. Vil
immense value. Our sympathy and interest are ex-
cited in every page. We observe the conscientious
care with which the great discoverer recorded his pro-
ceedings, and with what intelligence he noted the
natural objects that surrounded him in the New
World. All were new to him ; but he compared
them with analogous products seen in other parts of
the world, and drew useful inferences. The fulness
of his entries was clue to the rapid working of
a vivid imagination, as one thought followed another
in rapid succession through his well-stored brain.
Even the frequent repetitions are not tedious, because
they give such life and reality to the document,
reminding- us of the anxious and overwrought hero
jotting down his thoughts whenever he could find
a spare moment amidst the press of work. It has
been said that his sole aim appeared to be the
acquisition of gold. This unfair criticism is made
in ignorance. It must be remembered that the
letter of Toscanelli was his guide ; and that the
gold, pearls, and spices were the marks by which he
was to know the provinces of the great Kaan ; so
that he was bound to make constant inquiries for
these commodities. The eagerness with which he
pushed his inquiries, and his repeated disappoint-
ments, are touching. He seeks to find the places
mentioned by his guide, by fancied resemblance of
names, as when he would identify Cipangu with
Cibao in Espanola. This search, however, only
occupied part of his thoughts. Nothing seems to
escape his observation, and he frequently regrets
Vlll INTRODUCTION.
his ignorance of botany, because it prevented him
from being able to report more exactly on the new
species of plants that surrounded him. But the
feature in his remarks which comes out most promi-
nently is his enthusiastic admiration of scenery, and
of the natural beauties of the strange land. The
Journal is a mirror of the man. It shows his
failings and his virtues. It records his lofty aims,
his unswerving loyalty, his deep religious feeling,
his kindliness and gratitude. It impresses us with
his knowledge and genius as a leader, with his
watchful care of his people, and with the richness of
his imagination. Few will read the Journal without
a feeling of admiration for the marvellous ability
and simple faith of the great genius whose mission
it was to reveal the mighty secret of the ages.
The Journal is the most important document in
the whole range of the history of geographical dis-
covery, because it is a record of the enterprise which
changed the whole face, not only of that history, but
of the history of mankind. Even during the four-
teen remaining years of the Admiral's life its imme-
diate result was the completed discovery of all the
West Indian islands and of the coast of the New
World from Cape San Agustin, 8° S. of the line, to
the Gulf of Honduras, either by the Admiral himself,
or by his followers and pupils.
The Admiral's achievement aroused a ieeling of
emulation in other countries. There is a direct
connection between the ideas and labours of the
illustrious Genoese and the vova^es of his country-
INTRODUCTION. ix
man John Cabot. From rather a different point of
view the undertakings of Gaspar Corte Real had its
origin in the discovery of Columbus. The work of
these two worthies, Cabot and Corte Real, therefore,
finds its proper place in the same volume with the
Journal of the Admiral.
The foot-notes in the Journal marked with N. are
by Navarrete. Interpolations by Las Casas are in
brackets.
II. — John Cabot.
A remarkable fatality has deprived posterity of
any authentic record of the first English voyages to
America. Not a single scrap of writing" by John
Cabot has been preserved. The map and globe of
John Cabot no longer exist, and although a single
copy of a map by his son Sebastian has survived, it
was not prepared to illustrate his father's discoveries,
but is a compilation drawn for the Spanish Govern-
ment nearly half a century afterwards. The second-
hand information fails satisfactorily to supplement
the meagre official documents, which consist of two
Letters Patent and a few entries in the Privy Purse
Accounts of Henry VII and his son. There are two
short letters from Spanish Ambassadors, three news-
letters from Italians in London, the reports of what
Sebastian is said to have dropped in conversation
generally, written down years afterwards, the reports
of his intrigues with the Venetian Government, and
X INTRODUCTION.
a few brief notices of doubtful authenticity in
English chronicles and collections of voyages. Even
the principal entry in the Chronicles, said to be
copied from Fabyan's work, is not to be found in
any known edition of Fabyan ; while the unfortunate
habit of our greatest authority, Richard Hakluyt, of
making verbal alterations in the documents of which
he made use, further increases our difficulties.
These are the sources of information, such as they
are, from which we must derive our knowledge of
the first English voyages to America. By a careful
use of them, and an equally careful avoidance of
conjecture and hypothesis, we can piece together all
that can now be known of the earliest important
maritime enterprises in which England was con-
cerned, and of the great navigator who conceived
and led them.
Mr. Charles Deane contributed an admirable
review of the materials forming our existing know-
ledge of the Cabot voyages to Winsor's Narrative
and Critical History of America (vol. iii, pp. 1-58),
in which he treats the various questions bearing on
the subject with sound judgment and great learning.
An exhaustive work on the Cabots, including the
original documents in their respective languages, and
valuable notes on the cartography, was published by
Mr. Harrisse, at Paris, in 1882.1
Desimoni has published a work on the Cabots at
1 Jean et Sêbastien Cabot, lair Origine et leur Voyages, par
Henry Harrisse (Paris, 1882).
INTRODUCTION. XI
Genoa,1 and a considerable work, also including all
the original documents, by Tarducci, has recently
appeared at Venice.2
John Cabot was probably a Genoese3 who, after
having resided in Venice for fifteen years, from 1461
to 1476, was admitted to the rights of citizenship in the
latter year.4 He was married to a Venetian woman,
and had three sons, named Luigi, Sebastian, and
Saneio, all of whom must have been of age when the
Letters Patent were granted to them in 1497 ; so
that the youngest cannot have been born later than
1475. As this was within the period during which
John Cabot was qualifying for citizenship by resi-
dence at Venice, his sons must have been born there.
During the next twenty years the story of John
Cabot is an almost entire blank. The Genoese was
usually called a Venetian because he had acquired
Venetian citizenship. He became an experienced
1 C. Desimoni, Intorno a Giovanni Caboto (Genoa).
2 Di Giovanni c Sebastiano Caboto, Memorie Raccolte e Docit-
tnentate da F. Tarducci (Venezia, 1892).
3 "Another Genoese like Columbus" (Puebla, Spanish Am-
bassador, July 1498; also Ayala). "Sebastian Gaboto, a Genoa's
son" (Stow from Fabyan ; also Languet, Grafton, Holinshed).
These statements are, to a certain extent, confirmed by the fact
that John Cabot required to be naturalised in Venice, which
proves that he was not a Venetian born. On the other hand,
Tarducci puts forward arguments to establish his Venetian birth
{Di G. e S. Caboto, Memorie, cap. i).
4 " 1476, March 28th. That the privilege of citizenship, within
and without, be granted to John Caboto for having resided 15
years according to custom." {Arc/iivo di Stato Vaiezia, Libro
Privilegi, t. ii, p. 53 ; Tarducci, p. 339.)
Xll INTRODUCTION.
navigator, and had commercial transactions along the
Arabian coast, even visiting Mecca, or its port,1
where he witnessed the arrival of caravans with
spices from the distant East, and speculated on the
distance they had come, and on the difficulties of the
route.2
When the news of the great discovery of Colum-
bus became known, John Cabot eagerly sought for
information, and was aroused to a spirit of emulation.
He went to Seville and Lisbon to seek for help in
the enterprise he contemplated3 ; and adopted all the
ideas of his great countryman respecting Antilla and
the seven cities, the Isle of Cipango, and the king-
dom of the great Kaan. He then came to settle in
London as a merchant,4 with his wife and three sons.
Of good address and an expert navigator,5 John
Cabot presented himself at the Court of Henry VII
1 Soncino (see p. 204). He could not have actually visited
Mecca, as stated by Soncino, for Christians were not allowed to
approach within several leagues of that city. He may have been
at Jiddah.
2 Despatch of Raimondo di Soncino to the Duke of Milan,
dated London, iSth Dec. 1497 {Annuario sa'entifico, Milan, 1866,
p. 700; Arckiv (T Etat Milan ; Harrtsse, p. 324).
:i " Pedro de Ayala to the Catholic Sovereigns, 25 July 1498.''
In Calendar of Stale Papers (Spain), i, p. 176, No. 210.
4 The Anonymous Guest in Ranntsio, i, f. 414 (ed. Yen., 1550) :
" Nella citta di Londra." Sebastian told this witness that he was
then very young, yet old enough to have already learnt the
humanities and the sphere: "Che gli era assai giovane non gia
peroche non avesse imparato et lettere d'humanita et la sphera."'
There is no evidence that the Cabots were at Bristol previous to
the voyage in 1497.
5 Soncino, 1 8th Dec. 1497 (see p. 203).
INTRODUCTION. xiii
at the right moment. The great discovery of
Columbus was being much discussed, and the
courtiers were declaring that it was a thing more
divine than human to have found that way, never
before known, of going to the east where the spices
grow.1 In the midst of this excitement, John Cabot,
a navigator, "who had made himself very expert
and cunning in the knowledge of the circuit of the
worlde and islands of the same", was presented to the
King, and made his proposal to do for England what
Columbus had done for Spain. He would show a
new route to Cipango and the land of the great
Kaan, and would bring back his ships laden with
spices. He demonstrated his arguments by a chart,
and eventually gained the ear of the wary usurper.
Henry resolved to let the adventurer attempt the
discovery of new isles, and granted him and his sons
Letters Patent, as well as material assistance.
The Letters Patent, dated March 5th, 1496,2 grant
to John Cabot, Citizen of Venice, and to his sons
Lewis,3 Sebastian, and Saneio, the right to navigate
in any direction they please, under the King's flag,
and at their own costs and charges, to seek out and
discover unknown lands and islands. They were
1 Eden's Decades, f. 255; Ramusio, i, f. 415 : " Dicendosi che
era stata cosa piu tosta divina che humana" (see p. 213).
2 Old style.
3 Mr. Deane, quoting from the Armorial de la Noblesse de
Languedoc (Paris, i860, vol. ii, p. 163), mentions that Lewis Cabot
is said to have settled at Saint-Paul-le-Coste, in the Cevennes, and
that a family is traced from him to the present time. The arms
are : Azure, 3 chabots (fish) or.
XÍV INTRODUCTION.
authorised to become governors of the new terri-
tories, a fifth of all profits and revenues being re-
served for the King ; and merchandise coming from
the new lands was exempted from customs duties.
All British subjects were prohibited from visiting
the new lands without a licence from the Cabots, on
pain of forfeiture of ship and cargo ; and the King's
lieges were enjoined to afford all necessary assistance
to the adventurers.
John Cabot selected the port of Bristol for the
equipment of his expedition, and there he embarked
in a ship believed to have been called the Matt/ieiv?
with a crew of eighteen men, nearly all Englishmen,
and natives of Bristol.2 His young son Sebastian,
then aged twenty-two at least, probably accompanied
him3 ; but the other two sons are nowhere men-
tioned, except in the Letters Patent. The Matthew
is said to have been manned and victualled at the
King's cost,4 which is unlikely ; and she was accom-
1 " In the year 1497, the 24th of June, on St. John's Day, was
Newfoundland found by Bristol men in a ship called the Matthew?
//is lory and Antiquities of Bristol ^ Win. Barrett (Bristol, 1789,
p. 172), quoting from an old document, which, however, has not
since been seen.
- Soncino : " Quasi tutti Inglesi et de Bristo."
8 On legend No. 8 of the map of Sebastian Cabot is the state-
ment : " This land, formerly unknown to us, was discovered by
Joan Caboto, Veneciano, and Sebastian Caboto, his son." This
is the only evidence that Sebastian accompanied his father on his
first voyage. On the other hand, the Drapers' Company, in 1521,
represented that it was then the belief that Sebastian never was
there himself.
1 Stow, quoting from Fabyan, followed by Hakluyt.
INTRODUCTION. XV
panied by three or four small vessels laden with
merchandise,1 being the ventures of London mer-
chants. But it does not appear whether more than
one ship actually crossed the Atlantic. -
The expedition sailed in the beginning of May3
1497, and, after a voyage of fifty days, it reached
land at five o'clock in the morning of Saturday, the
24th of June, being St. John's Day,4 which was
called " Prima terra vista". The name of St. John
was given to another large island that was sighted.5
We know, from the map of Sebastian Cabot, that
the " Prima terra vista" is the northern end of the
island of Cape Breton, and " St. John" is in the
position of the Magdalen Islands. This is just the
landfall that John Cabot would have naturally made.
His course is clearly pointed out by the object of
his voyage, which was, like that of Columbus, to
reach the territory of the Great Kaan. The course
of Columbus was west, and that of John Cabot
must also have been west.6 The distance is 2,300
1 Stow, quoting from Fabyan, followed by Hakluyt.
- Pasqualigo only speaks of one ship ("ando con uno naviglio"),
and Soncino speaks of one ship with eighteen men (i£uno piccolo
naviglio e xviii persone si pose ala fortuna"). The letters patent
authorised five ships.
3 Hakluyt quoting Fabyan (see p. 200).
i Legend No. 8 on the map of Sebastian Cabot. The Latin
version gives the hour in the morning, the Spanish only says
in the morning. 5 Ibid.
6 Soncino, in his despatch from London to the Duke of Milan,
of December 18th, 1497, says: " Partitosi da Bristo, et passato
Ibernia piu occidentale e poi alzatosi verso el septentrione, co-
mendo ad navigare ale parte orientale, lassandosi (fra qualche
Xvi INTRODUCTION.
miles1 in a voyage of fifty days, or forty-six miles
a day. Working her way slowly westward during
many days, a vessel like the Matthew would have
made a great deal of leeway, and during the latter
part of the voyage the current would have set her
two hundred or more miles to the south.2 The
south coast of Newfoundland being obscured by
mist, the north end of Cape Breton is exactly the
landfall the Matthew might be expected to make
under the above circumstances. Cabot hoisted the
English standard on the newly-discovered land, and
side by side with it he planted the lion of St. Mark,
the flag of his adopted country. He did not see
any inhabitants, but brought back some snares for
game, and a needle for making nets.
As he was back in the end of July, he had no
time to spare, and must have started at once on his
voyage home.3 Sailing from the north coast of
giorni) la tramontana ad mano drita" — " He departed from
Bristol, and having passed Ireland, which is further west, and
then turned towards the north, he began to navigate towards the
eastern part, leaving (for some days) the pole on the right hand."
This is not very clear. If Cabot had his ship's head north, cr
north of west, after passing Ireland, it would be owing to contrary
winds which prevented him from laying his course. Soncino has
evidently written east for west, because he says that the Pole was
on the right hand, which could only be when steering west.
1 Pasqualigo gives 700 leagues, which is nearly right. Soncino
very much under-estimates the distance at 400 leagues.
- The course actually made good would be half a point south
of west.
3 Pasqualigo says : " Andato per la costa lige 300" — "He went
along the coast 300 leagues." This is impossible. Such a cruise
INTRODUCTION. Xvii
Cape Breton on June 26th, with a southerly set, on
the next day, after proceeding about seventy miles,
he appears to have sighted land, on his starboard
hand, near Sydney1 ; but he was short of provisions,
and could not afford to lose time by stopping. As
might be expected in going eastward, Cabot made
a better voyage than when he was outward bound.
It only occupied him about thirty-five days, and he
arrived at Bristol in the last days of July or the
first week of August.3
John Cabot was received on his return with great
honour. The King granted him money for his per-
sonal expenses. Pasqualigo wrote to his brothers at
Venice to report how the great discoverer was
dressed in silk and styled the Grand Admiral, was
residing at Bristol with his family, and preparing for
in the Matthew would have occupied three weeks at least from
June 25th, or until the middle of July. As Cabot was back in
Bristol in the end of July, it is clear that this additional cruise
cannot have taken place. Pasqualigo was merely repeating
second-hand gossip.
1 "Al tornar aldreto a visto do ixole ma non havoluto desender
per non perder tempo che la vituaria li mancava" — " On the
return he saw two islands on the starboard side, but he would not
land because he could not waste time, as the provisions were
running short" (Pasqualigo). See p. 201.
2 The date is fixed by Pasqualigo, who says that the expedition
was absent three months; and also by a royal grant of ^10 to
Cabot on August 10th. Allowing for two or three days at Bristol
on arrival, the journey to London to report himself, the audiences,
and the time for the consummation of the penurious Henry's
bounty, the ship must have arrived at Bristol at least ten days
previous to the 10th of August. See extract from Privy Purse
Accounts, Henry VII, Biddle, p. 80, n.
C
XV111 INTRODUCTION.
a second expedition on a larger scale. The Milanese
envoy, Raimondo di Soncino, being personally ac-
quainted with Cabot, wrote a more authoritative
despatch on the subject for his master, Ludovico il
Moro. Soncino, as well as the Spanish Ambassador,
had seen the chart of his discoveries prepared by
John Cabot, and also a solid sphere constructed by
the great navigator. The Milanese envoy had the
advantage of conversing with Cabot himself, and
heard from him of the enormous supplies of fish to
be obtained on the Newfoundland banks, which
were considered likely to supersede the trade in
stock- fish with Iceland ; and of his design to reach
the Spice islands by way of Cipango, in imitation of
Columbus. Soncino also spoke to several of the
crew, including a Buroomdian, and a Genoese barber
from Castione,1 both of whom anticipated great
results from the second voyage.
New Letters Patent were issued on February 3rd,
1498, this time to John Cabot alone, without mention
of his sons. The discoverer is authorised to equip
six English ships in any port within the King's
dominions, being of 200 tons burden or under, and
to take them to the land and isles lately discovered
by the said John. He is empowered to enter all
men and boys who may volunteer for the service ;
and all officers and others, the King's subjects, are
commanded to afford needful assistance.
The second expedition was also fitted out at
1 Castiglione, near Chiavari. according to Desimoni.
INTRODUCTION. xix
Bristol. Sebastian probably accompanied his father
again,1 and it would appear that Thomas Bradley
and Lancelot Thirkill, of London, commanded two
of the other ships, having received royal loans of
£30 for their equipment.2 John Carter is also
mentioned as receiving £2. The expedition con-
sisted of five armed ships, victualled for a year, with
300 men, according to Peter Martyr and Gomara.
They sailed in the summer of 1498, at some time
before the 25th of July.3 One was driven back by
a storm.4
The few details respecting this second voyage of
John Cabot are derived from the reports of state-
ments made long afterwards by his son Sebastian,
which appear in the works of Peter Martyr, Ramusio,
Gomara, and Galvano. His actual discoveries were
shown on his map, a copy of which was sent to
Spain, and transferred to the famous map drawn by
Juan de la Cosa in 1500. John Cabot first directed
his course to the north, and went so far towards the
1 The accounts given by Sebastian to Peter Martyr, and to the
anonymous guest whose discourse is recorded by Ramusio, evi-
dently refer to the second voyage of John Cabot, although the son
takes all the credit to himself, and does not mention his father.
It was the general belief, in 152 1, according to the Drapers' Com-
pany, that Sebastian never went on these voyages. It may be
assumed, however, that Sebastian was probably on board. His
age would have been twenty-three, his father's over sixty.
2 Excerpta Histórica, Nicholas (1831), p. 116; also Biddle,
p. 86.
3 The date of the letters from the Spanish ambassadors, Puebla
and Ayala, reporting their departure.
4 Ayala to the Sovereigns, 25th July 1498 (ffarrisse, p. 329).
C 2
XX INTRODUCTION.
Pole as to meet with icebergs, and to experience
almost constant daylight in July.1 Seeing so much
ice, he turned to the south, and came to the bank of
Newfoundland, where he met with enormous quanti-
ties of fish called Bacallaos? The people are
described as being covered with the skins of beasts,
and many bears were seen. Continuing on a
southerly course along the North American coast,
he reached the latitude of Cape Hatteras,3 whence
he was obliged to return home owing to want of
provisions. The Spanish Ambassador had reported,
in July 1498, that Cabot was expected to return in
the following September. We know nothing more
of John Cabot. Neither the return of his expedition,
nor the date or place of his death, is recorded.
Juan de la Cosa was supplied, through the Spanish
Ambassador in London, with a chart, showing the
discoveries of John Cabot. On his mappe-monde of
1 500. he indicates the discoveries by English flags
1 Peter Martyr does not mention any latitude for the farthest
north of Cabot. The anonymous guest, whose discourse is re-
corded by Ramusio, says 56^ ; Gomara says 58' ; Galvano, 60'.
Ramusio, writing from memory, says that Cabot had once written
to him, years before, when he gave 67o 30' as the latitude. Sir
Humphrey Gilbert also has 67° 30', copying Ramusio.
2 Peter Martyr makes the erroneous statement that Cabot gave
the country the name of Bacallaos. It is really the Basque name
for cod.
3 Peter Martyr says that the most southern point reached by
Cabot was the latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar. The guest in
Ramusio says that he reached Florida. Gomara gives his furthest
south at 38°; and Galvano has the same latitude; adding that
"some s.iv he reached Florida".
INTRODUCTION. XXI
along the coast of North America, with a number of
names of capes and bays between them. This coast-
line cannot be exactly identified, as there are no lines
for latitude, and the West India Islands are placed
north of the tropic ; but it appears to be intended to
extend from 50o to 30o N. from about Cape Breton
to a little south of Cape Hatteras.1 This would be
in accordance writh the statement of Peter Martyr.
John Cabot was the pioneer of English discovery
and English colonisation. A lonç life of mercantile
adventure had prepared him for the great work ;
and the experienced old navigator was at least sixty
years of age when he offered his services to Henry
VII. His great merit was that he at once appre-
ciated the genius and prevision of Columbus, and
understood the true significance of his magnificent
achievement. He studied the theories and the
methods of his illustrious countryman, and under-
stood the great work that was left for others to
achieve by following his lead. The results more
than justified his representations. In his first voyage
he showed the way across the Atlantic in high
latitudes ; and in the second he discovered the coast
of North America, between the Arctic Circle and
the Tropic of Cancer. We learn no more of his
career, and nothing of the close of his life ; but this
1 The map drawn by Sebastian Cabot in 1542 affords little
help with regard to his father's discoveries, except in the identifi-
cation of the Prima Tierra Vista. It is a compilation including
later work, but the coast of North America is represented very
much as it is on the map of Juan de la Cosa.
XX11 INTRODUCTION.
is enough to secure a place for John Cabot among
the greatest navigators of that age of discovery.
The work of John Cabot bore fruit in subsequent
years, and the way he had shown across the Atlantic
was not forgotten. On March 19th, 1501, Letters
Patent were granted to three merchants of Bristol,
named Warde, Ashurst, and Thomas, associated
with three natives of the Azores.1 They made
a voyage across the Atlantic, and the isle discovered
by John Cabot was again visited.- In the three
following years other voyages were undertaken
across the Atlantic.3
III. — Sebastian Cabot.
Since the results of recent researches have been
known, the son can no longer be associated with the
discoveries of the father. With regard to the place
of Sebastian's birth, he told Peter Martyr, in 15 19,
1 Bid die, p. 312.
- 27th January 1502. "To men of Bristol that found the He,
£5." (Privy Purse Expenses, Henry VII.)
3 1503. "To the merchants of Bristol that had been in New-
foundland, ^20" (Hak/i/yt, i, 219). 1503, November 17th. "To
one that brought hawkes from the Newfoundedland, £1" {Exc.
Hist.). 1504, April 8th. "To a prieste that goeth to the new
ilande, £2" (Exc. Hist., p. 131). 1505. "To Portyngales that
brought popyngais and catts of the mountaigne with other stuf
to the King's grace, ^5." "Wild catts and popyngays of the
Newfound Island" (Exc. His/., p. [33).
INTRODUCTION. XXlll
that he was a Venetian born1; he told Contarini, in
1522, that he was born in Venice'2; and he told
Richard Eden that he was born at Bristol.3 His
own word can have no weight, for he made state-
ments respecting the place of his birth just as it
happened to suit his convenience. But we know
from the Letters Patent that his younger brother
must have been of age when they were granted in
1497. Sebastian must have been at least a year
older. So he was born not later than 1474. His
father had his domicile in Venice from 1461 to 1476.
Sebastian was, therefore, born in Venice.
It is uncertain whether Sebastian Cabot accom-
panied his father on his voyages of discovery. He
is reported to have said that he was himself the
discoverer, ignoring his father ; and, on the other
hand, the general belief in England was that he
never visited the new land himself.4 On the whole,
1 " Genere Venetus, sed a parentibus in Britanniam insulam
tendentious .... transportatus pene infans." {Dec. Ill, Lib. vi.)
2 " Per dirve il tuto io naqui a Venetia ma sum nutrito in
Ingelterra." (Letter from Contarini to the Council of Ten.)
3 " Sebastian Cabote tould me that he was borne in Brystowe,
and that at iiii yeare ould he was carried with his father to Venice,
and so returned agayne into England with his father after certayne
years, whereby he was thought to have been borne in Venice"
(margin of the translation of Peter Martyr, ed. 1555, fol. 255);
Tarducci, p. 89, n. Tarducci argues that Cabot cannot have
made this statement in the form given by Eden, and that Eden
must have misunderstood him (Di G. e S. Caboto, Memorie,
pp. 92, 93).
4 In March i52i,when the great Livery Companies of London
were required to contribute towards the fitting out of the ships of
discovery to be commanded by Sebastian Cabot, the Drapers'
XXIV INTRODUCTION.
it seems most probable that John Cabot did take
his young son with him, who was then about twenty-
two years of age. There is also reason for thinking
that he was employed by the Bristol merchants in
their voyage in i 502, for he is said to have brought
three men, taken in Newfoundland, to the King in
that year.1 During the next ten years we hear
nothing of Sebastian. But he must have occupied
them in business connected with navigation and
cartography ; for, when there was an agreement
between Henry VIII and Ferdinand V to under-
take a combined expedition against the south of
France, in 1 5 1 2, Sebastian Cabot was employed to
make a map of Gascony and Guienne.2 Lord
Willoughby de Broke had command of the troops
which were landed at Pasages in June 1512,3 and
Sebastian accompanied him.4 By that time the
Company was their spokesman, and in excusing themselves they
said : " Sebastian, as we hear say, never was in that land himself,
but he makes reports of many things as he hath heard his father
and other men speke in tymes past." {Warden's Account of the
Drapers' Company MSS., vol. vii, fo. 87, first made known by W.
Herbert in his History of the Twelve Great Livery Companies of
London, 1837, i, p. 410.) See Harrisse, p. 29.
1 Stow's Chronicle (1580), p. 875, said to be quoted from
Fabyan. But no such passage occurs in any printed edition
of Fabyan. See also Hakluyt's Divers Voyages (Hakluyt
Society's ed., p. 23).
2 Calendar of State Papers, H. VLLL {Dom. and For.), ii,
Pt. 11, p. 1456.
3 Rymer, xii, 297 ; Herbert's Hetiry VLLL, p. 20. For Lord
Willoughby, see Dugdates Baronage, Pt. 11, p. 88.
4 MSS. Mu noz Coll., t. xc, foi. 109, verso, quoted by Harrisse,
INTRODUCTION. XXV
younger Cabot must have become a draughtsman
of some note, for King Ferdinand applied to Lord
Willoughby for his services, and, on September
13th, 1 5 12, gave him the appointment of a captain,
with a salary of 50,000 marks.1 In March 15 14 it
had been arranged that he should undertake a voy-
age of discovery in the Spanish service, and in 1 5 1 5
he was appointed a pilot. He married a Spaniard
named Catalina Medrano,2 and it was at this time
that he became acquainted with Peter Martyr, who
wrote : " Familiarem habeo domi Cabottum ipsum,
et contubernalem interdum"—" Cabot is my very
frend whom I use familiarlye, and delyte to have
hym sometymes keepe my company in my owne
house."3
On the death of King Ferdinand in 15 16, Sebas-
tian Cabot went to England with his wife and
daughter Elizabeth, and he appears to have re-
mained there during the rule of Cardinal Cisneros,
although he was still in the Spanish service. He is
said to have been concerned in the equipment of an
expedition for Henry VIII in 1 5 1 7, which is alleged
to have " taken none effect" owing to the " faint
heart" of one Sir Thomas Perte.4 But as Cabot was
1 Herrera, Dec. I, Lib. ix, cap. 13; Dec. II, Lib. i, cap. 12.
2 Letter cited by Navarrete, Bib. Mar., ii, 698.
3 De Rebus Oceanicis et Orbe Novo, Dec. Ill, Lib. vi, p. 232
(ed. Paris, 1587); Ederis trans., Willes ed., f. 125.
4 This circumstance is mentioned by Eden. The voyage of
15 1 7 is not mentioned by any other writer. Eden's work, pub-
lished in 1553, is entitled, A treaty se of the Newe India after the
description of Sebastian Munster in his book of Universal Cosmo-
XXVI INTRODUCTION.
then in the Spanish service, and as he declined
similar employment in 15 19 on that very ground,1
there must be some mistake. He may have given
advice, but nothing more ; and at this very time he
was engaged in an intrigue with a Venetian friar
named Stragliano Collona, proposing to leave both
Spain and England in the lurch, and to devise a
plan by which Venice should secure all the benefits
to be derived from the northern voyages. His own
words are plain enough as regards England. He
said: " As by serving the King of England I should
not be able to serve my country, I wrote to the
Cesarean Majesty that he should not, on any account,
give me permission to serve the King of England,
because there would be great injury to his service."2
In the face of all this it is not credible that Sebastian
Cabot undertook a voyage for the King of England
in 1 5 17. Indeed, the words of Eden, "the voyage
took none effect", can only be explained by the
assumption that the Atlantic was not crossed by
Perte's ship. There was some intention of employ-
graphia, translated out of Latin into English by Richard Eden.
The passage is as follows : " At such time as our sovereigne Lord
of noble memory, King Henry the Eight, furnished and set forth
certen shippes under the governaunce of Sebastian Cabot, yet
living, and one Sir Thomas Perte, whose faynte heart was the
cause that the voyage took none effect" (in the Dedication to the
Duke of Northumberland ; also Hakluyt, iii, 498).
1 Contarini to the Senate of Venice, 31st December 1522 : "I
replied that, being in the service of His Majesty, I was not able
to undertake it without permission."
- Letter from Contarini, 31st December 1522. See p. 220.
INTRODUCTION. XXVH
ing Sebastian on a voyage from England in 1521,
but it came to nothing, and he was all the time
playing a double game with Spain and Venice.
Cabot returned to his employment at Seville in
1 52 1, having previously received the appointment of
Chief Pilot.1 Yet, while in the service of Spain, and
in possession of all the intentions and secrets of the
Spanish Government, he engaged in an intrigue
with the Venetian Senate to transfer his services to
the Republic. He employed a native of Ragusa,
named Hieronymo di Marin, to convey his pro-
posals to the Council of Ten, under a vow of secrecy
sworn on the sacrament. These proposals appear
to have been no less than, by the use of knowledge
acquired in the English and Spanish services, to
transfer all the advantages and benefits of the con-
templated northern voyage to Venice. The Council
of Ten heard what the Ragusan had to say, rewarding
him with a present of 20 ducats, and they considered
the matter to be of such importance that the Vene-
tian Ambassador in Spain, Gasparo Contarini, was
instructed in a letter, dated September 27th, 1522,
to have an interview with Sebastian Cabot and
report the result.
Contarini's account was that his first step in the
negotiation was successful. He quietly ascertained
whether Sebastian was at Court, then at Valladolid,
and sent his secretary to tell him that there was
1 Herrera, Dec. II, Lib. iii, cap. 7. He was appointed Piloto
Mayor on 5th February 1 5 t S.
XXV111 INTRODUCTION.
a letter at the embassy which concerned his private
affairs. This brought the Chief Pilot to the Vene-
tian Ambassador's house, and Contarini dexterously
succeeded in gaining his confidence. Cabot related
the circumstances of his employment in England
and Spain, but declared that his desire was to
benefit his native country, by proceeding to Venice
and laying the details of his proposal before the
Council of Ten. He proposed to get permission to
proceed to Venice, on the plea of recovering his
mother's jointure, and other private affairs.
The Venetian Ambassador felt very doubtful
whether the scheme of Cabot was feasible. Any
expedition fitted out at Venice could easily be stopped
by the King of Spain in passing through the Straits
of Gibraltar. The only other plan would be to
equip vessels outside the Mediterranean, on the
shores of the Atlantic, or in the Red Sea. But the
difficulties surrounding any such projects would ren-
der them impracticable. The cogency of the shrewd
diplomatist's argument was admitted by Cabot ; but
he maintained that his great knowledge and expe-
rience had suggested to him other means by which
the end could be attained, which he would only
divulge in person to the Venetian Council. Conta-
rini shrugged his shoulders, and the interview ended.
But after an interval Cabot a^ain came to the Vene-
tian embassy at Valladolid, on the 27th of December
— St. John's Day. On this occasion he did all he
could to impress Contarini with his great professional
knowledge and skill, discussing many geographical
INTRODUCTION. XXIX
points with him, and explaining a method he had
invented of finding the longitude by means of the
variation of the needle. Then, touching on the
main business, he confidently asserted that the Coun-
cil of Ten would be pleased with the plan he had
devised, declaring that he was ready to go to Venice
at his own expense. He entreated Contarini to
keep the matter secret, as his life depended on it.
Four days afterwards, on the 31st of December
1522, the Venetian Ambassador, in a long and
able despatch, reported the results of his interviews
with Cabot; and on March 7th, 1523, he further
reported that Cabot had delayed his visit to Venice
because he was called to England on business, and
would be absent for three months. This is ex-
plained by an entry respecting the funeral of Sir
Thomas Lovell, K.G.,1 from which it appears that
Sebastian Cabot, Chief Pilot of Spain, came to
London to attend at the obsequies of Sir Thomas in
1 " Expense of the funeral of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G., who
died at his manor of Elsynge in Enfield, Middlesex, 25th May
1524, and was buried at Haliwell. Item, paide the 18th day of
February, to John Godryk of Tory, in the county of Cornwall,
drap., in full satysfaccon and recompenses of his charge, costis, and
labour conductyng Sebastian Cabott, master of the Pylotes in
Spayne, to London, at the request of the testator by Indenture of
Covenauntes, 43^. 4^/." {Calendar of State Papers, Dom. and For.,
Henry VIII, iv, Ft. 1, p. 154, No. 366), quoted by Tarducci,
p. 158, and Harrisse. Sir Thomas Lovell was made Chancellor
of the Exchequer for life in 1485, Treasurer of the Household,
1502, Constable of the Tower, one of the executors of the will
of Henry VII, and Steward and Marshal of the House of Henry
VIII. He was knighted at the battle of Stoke, 1487.
XXX INTRODUCTION.
1524, in compliance with a request in the will of the
deceased. Cabot returned to Spain in the end of
1524-
Contarini received great praise from his Govern-
ment for the way in which he had conducted the
negotiations ; but they fell to the ground, appa-
rently owing to the important employment on which
Cabot was soon afterwards engaged under the
Spanish Government.
The Conference of Badajoz on the question of
the right to Moluccas between Spain and Portugal
was opened in 1524, and Sebastian Cabot was em-
ployed as an assessor. The decision in favour of
Spain led to the equipment of an expedition for the
discovery of the isles of Tarshish, Ophir, and the
eastern Catay, of which Sebastian Cabot received
the command.1 It consisted of three vessels and
1 50 men ; the two other ships being commanded by
Francisco de Rojas and Martin Mendez, with whom
the Captain-General disagreed. Miguel de Rodas
embarked as a volunteer. The ships sailed in April
1526, and, in consequence of the quarrels between
the leader of the expedition and his captains, Cabot
adopted a very high-handed measure. He beached
the two captains, Rojas and Mendez, and the volun-
teer Rodas, on the coast of Brazil. They were
rescued by a Portuguese ship, and trouble was thus
prepared for the Venetian on his return. Entering
1 Cabot laid aside a portion of his pay for the maintenance of
his wife, Catalina Medrano, during his absence. (Munoz MSS.,
índios, 1524-26, 77, Est 23 gr., foi. 165, verso, quoted by Harrisse,
1>- 355-)
INTRODUCTION. XXXI
the river Plate, Cabot explored the river Parana to
its junction with the Paraguay, and established two
forts. But he was eventually attacked by an over-
whelming force of natives, one of his forts was carried
by assault, and he was obliged to abandon the
enterprise.1 He returned to Spain in August 1530,
and had to meet serious charges respecting his
treatment of Mendez and Rojas. On February 1st,
1532, he was condemned to two years of exile at
Oran for excesses committed during the expedition2 ;
but the Emperor pardoned him after a year, and he
was again at Seville in June 1533.3
Sebastian Cabot must have been a man of great
ability and address, while his knowledge and experi-
ence made his services very valuable. It is evident,
from his restoration to favour, after returning- from
his disastrous expedition, that the Government of
Charles V entertained a high opinion of his useful-
ness. He remained Chief Pilot of Spain from 1533
to 1547, and it must have been at this time that the
guest, to whose conversation Ramusio listened at
the table of Hieronimus Fracastor, visited Cabot at
Seville. Then the old navigator, who had reached
1 Herrera, Dec. Ill, Lib. be, cap. 3 ; Dec. IV, Lib. viii, cap.
1 1 ; Gomara, ch. lxxxix.
2 Navarrete, Bib. Mar., ii, 699.
3 In Tune 1533, in a letter to Juan de Samano, the Emperor's
secretary, Cabot excused himself for not having finished a map,
owing to the death of his daughter and the illness of his wife
{Munoz MSS., vol. lxxix, fo. 287, quoted by Harrisse ; and Tar-
ducci, p. 404). In the will of William Mychell, chaplain, in 15 16,
there is a legacy of 3*. 4I. to Cabot's daughter Elizabeth.
XXX11 INTRODUCTION.
the age of seventy, professed to be anxious to rest
from active service, " after having instructed so many
practical and valiant young seamen, through whose
forwardness I do rejoice in the fruit of my labours.
So I rest with the charge of this office as you see."
The guest added that, among other things, Cabot
showed him a great mappe-monde, illustrating the
special navigations as well of the Portuguese as of
the Spaniards. If this was the mappe-monde that
was discovered lately, it bore the following title :
" Sebastian Cabot, Captain and Pilot Major to his
Cesarean and Catholic Majesty the Emperor Charles
V of that name, the King our Lord, made this
figure extended on a plane, in the year of the birth
of our Saviour Jesus Christ 1544." It is a coloured
map drawn on an ellipse, 4^ feet long by 3^ wide,
having a series of descriptive legends, in Latin and
Spanish, on the right and left. It is a compilation
showing the then recent discovery of the Gulf of
St. Lawrence by Jacques Cartier. Newfoundland
is represented as a group of islands. The work
done by John Cabot, in his first voyage, is indicated
by the Prima Tierra Vista, at the north end of
Cape Breton,1 and the I. de S. Juan in the place of
the modern Magdalen Islands. Along the coast of
1 On the map of Michael Lok, given in Hakluyfs Divers
Voyages, with the relation of Yerazzano, the words "J. Gabot,
1497", are written over the land ending with the north point of
Cape Breton. But the island "S. Johan" is placed to the south,
and not in the position of the Magdalen Islands, as in the map of
Sebastian Cabot.
N°. 1 7 Stbaflian Caboto capitan.y piloto mayor dela S.c^<
20 cfla Bgura txtenfi tn piano, anno del nafom' de nrõ Í
PART OF THE MAP
After Harrisse's " Jean et Sebastian Cabot," r<
335 340 3+A 3Í0 35!
,perador don Cariosquinto deflc nombre.y Rty nueQro fennor hi
fuChriftode u.n.xiun. annas
SEBASTIAN CABOT (1544)
hv nriR half, and renrinted bv the Collotype process.
INTRODUCTION. XXX 111
Labrador is written Costa d cl hues norueste. San
Brandon Isle retains its place in the middle of the
Atlantic. From Cape Breton a coast-line is made
to run west and south, resembling- that shown as
discovered by the English, on the map of Juan de
la Cosa in 1500. But the names along the coast of
North America do not agree with those on the map
of Juan de la Cosa.
The great value of the 1 544 map of Sebastian Cabot
is that it fixes the landfall of his father's first voyage.
On this point he is the highest authority, and his
evidence is quite conclusive if it was given in good
faith. Mr. Harrisse argues that it was not «wen in
good faith, but not, I think, on sufficient grounds.
He first endeavours to show that while Cabot was at
the head of the Hydrographic Department at Seville,
and responsible for the accuracy of the charts, the
landfall in 48o was never shown, and the three maps
of that period, that survive, all place the English
discoveries between 56" and 6o°. Mr. Harrisse
therefore infers that Cabot did not then claim dis-
coveries further south. But the answer to this is
that he did make such claim. He told the guest in
Ramusio, Peter Martyr, and everyone he met, that
he discovered all the coast as far south as Florida.
It is true that, after the map of La Cosa in 1500,
where the English southern discoveries are fully
portrayed, they do not appear on Spanish maps ;
but the statements of Sebastian Cabot prove that
this cannot have been with his willing concurrence.
d
XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
The omission must have been due to some other
cause. The coast shown in 6o° N. on the Ribero
and other maps of course refer to John Cabot's
second, not to his first voyage, when he reached
Cape Breton.
Mr. Harrisse then justifies his hypothesis that
Sebastian Cabot placed his landfall at Cape Breton,
knowing well that it was really several hundred
miles further north, by pointing out his constant
mendacity and treason, and that such underhand
dealings were in keeping with his natural disposition.
But this is not sufficient without a motive, and the
motive suggested by Mr. Harrisse seems quite in-
adequate. He says that the explorations of Jacques
Cartier, from 1534 to 1543, had brought to light
a valuable region round Cape Breton, suitable for
colonies ; and that Sebastian placed the landfall
there in 1544 as a suggestion of British claims,
a declaration that the region of the Gulf of St. Law-
rence belonged to England, and a bid for favour,
He went to England three years afterwards. But
it would have been useless and unnecessary, as well
as dangerous, to falsify an official Spanish map with
this object ; for the English Government possessed
his father's maps, and he had all along claimed the
discovery, not only of this part, but of the whole
coast as far as Florida. We may therefore con-
clude that, as Sebastian Cabot had no motive
for falsifying his map, he did not do so ; and
that the " Prima Terra Vista", where he placed
INTRODUCTION. XXXV
it, is the true landfall of John Cabot on his first
voyage.1
On November 28th, 1545, Sebastian Cabot was
charged, in conjunction with Pedro Mexia, Alonso
Chaves, and Diego Gutierrez, to examine and report
upon the new work on navigation by Pedro de
Medina, entitled Arte de Navegar? This is the
last recorded duty performed by Cabot in Spain.
Two years afterwards he left that country and arrived
in England. The old man's action must have been
secret, and in the nature of a flight, for he resigned
neither his pension nor his appointment before his
departure. It was a betrayal, for he took with him
a knowledge of all the secret counsels and intentions
of the Spanish Government, acquired during an
official career extending over a period of more than
1 The mappe monde of Sebastian Cabot is mentioned by
Sanuto, Ortelius, Hukluyt, Purchas, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert.
Hakluyt, Purchas, and Gilbert mention " the great map in Her
Majesty's privy gallery at Whitehall, cut by Clement Adams"; and
Hakluyt gives the legend No. 8 from it, referring to the voyage of
John Cabot. The map of Adams must, therefore, have been a
copy of the 1544 map of Sebastian. Willes mentions another
copy, " Cabot's table which the Earl of Bedford hath at Cheynies"
{Eden, 1577, f. 232). These maps have disappeared.
The only existing copy of the map by Sebastian Cabot was
found in the house of a curate in Bavaria by Dr. Martius, Secre-
tary of the Academy of Sciences at Munich. It was bought from
M. de Heunin in 1844 for 400 francs, and is now in the Biblio-
thèque Nationale at Paris. Jomard has reproduced it, but with-
out the legends.
2 Lista de la Esposicion Americanista B. 52, referred to by
Tarducci, p. 280, n.
d2
XXXVI INTRODUCTION.
thirty years. The actual cause for this flight and
betrayal is unknown. That the flight was arranged
in concert with the English Privy Council is made
clear by a warrant of ^ioo paid to one Mr. Peck-
ham, on October 9th, 1547, for transporting "one
Cabot, a Pilot, to come out of Hispain, to serve and
inhabit in England".
When Sebastian Cabot came to England, in the
beoinnine of the reiori of Edward VI, he was at
least seventy-three years of age. On January 6th,
1548, he was granted a pension of ^166 13.?. 4^.
(250 marks) a year,1 with the duties, though not the
title, of Chief Pilot of England. The Emperor
Charles V, throiiQ-h the English Ambassadors at
Brussels, Sir Thomas Cheyne and Sir Philip Hoby,
requested that Cabot might be sent back, " forasmuch
as he cannot stand the King your Master in any
great stead, seeing he hath small practice in these
seas, and is a very necessary man for the Emperor,
whose servant he is, and hath a pension of him."
The despatch containing this request was dated at
Brussels on November 25th, 1549.2 The reply, on
April 2 1st, 1550, was that Sebastian Cabot refused
to return to Spain, and that, being King Edward's
subject, he could not be compelled to go against his
will.3 In the following year Cabot received ^200
from Edward VI, by Council warrant, "by way of
1 Hakluyt.
2 Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials > vol. ii, Pt. 1, p. 296 (Oxford,
1822).
3 Harleian MS. 525, f. 9 ; quoted by Harrisse.
INTRODUCTION. XXXV11
the King's Majesty's reward",1 and was evidently in
high favour. Charles V made one more effort to
recover his Chief Pilot, by writing to his cousin
Queen Mary on the subject, from Mons, on the 9th
of September 1553, but without effect.2
Meanwhile, Cabot had again opened communi-
cations with the Venetian Government, through
Giacomo Soranzo, their Ambassador in London.
His proposal was to conduct a Venetian fleet to
Cathay through the strait of which he pretended to
have the secret3 ; and the same excuse for asking
permission to go to Venice, on urgent private affairs,
was to be adopted as had been proposed in the
negotiation with Contarini in 1522. It completely
deceived Dr. Peter Vannes, the English Ambassador
at Venice, who, in a despatch dated September 12th,
1 55 1, reported to the Council the steps that had
been taken to further Cabot's business, and the
goodwill of the Seigniory.4 The contemporaries of
the astute old pilot had no suspicion of the intrigues
revealed to posterity by the publication of the Vene-
1 Strype, Ecc. Mem., ii, Pt. 11, pp. 76 and 217.
- Calendar of State Papers (Foreign), 1553-58, t. i, No. 31,
p. 10. Edward VI died on July 6th, 1553.
3 Calendar of State Papers, Rawdon Brown, t. v, No. 711,
p. 264. The despatch of Soranzo does not exist, but we have the
reply from the Council of Ten.
4 Calendar of State Papers (Foreign), 1861, p. 171, No. 444.
Dr. Vannes says that Ramusio, the Hakluyt of Italy, and then one
of the secretaries of the Seigniory, was acting as Cabot's agent at
this time.
XXXV111 INTRODUCTION.
tian State Papers ; but this second negotiation ended
in nothing.1
Cabot was employed to draw up instructions for
the voyage of Willoughby and Chancellor in May
1553,2 and, when the Company of Merchant Adven-
turers was incorporated on February 26th, 1555, he
was named Governor for life.3 In this capacity he
superintended the equipment of the Searchthrift,
under the command of Stephen Burrough, coming
down to Gravesend to take leave of that gallant
explorer on April 27th, 1556, and taking part in the
feasting and dancing on that occasion.4
On the 27th of May 1557 Sebastian Cabot resigned
his pension, and on the 29th one half of it was
restored to him, and the other half was granted to
one William Worthington, apparently as a colleague
appointed in consequence of Cabot's great age.5 He
was at least eighty-three. This is the last official
mention of Sebastian Cabot, who probably died the
same year.
There is evidence that Sebastian Cabot gave
close attention to questions relating to the variation
of the compass. In the geography of Livio Sanuto,
1 Tarducci offers some excuses for the conduct of Cabot, in
having entered upon these intrigues with Venice, while he was a
servant of the Spanish and English Governments {Tarducci, p. 157
and p. 291), but they are not satisfactory.
2 Hak/uyt, i, 226.
3 Strype, Ecc. Mem., iii, Pt. 1, p. 320; Hak/uyt, i, p. 267.
4 Hak/uyt, i, p. 274.
5 Rymer, xv, 466 ; Bidd/e, p. 217. Philip arrived in London
on May 20th, 1557.
INTRODUCTION. XXXIX
that learned Italian says that, many years before the
period at which he wrote, Guido Gianetti da Fano
''informed him that Sebastian Cabot was the dis-
coverer of that secret of the variation of the needle
which he then explained to the most serene King- of
England (Edward VI), near to whom (but then en-
gaged in other affairs) this Gianetti was most honour-
ably employed ; and he also demonstrated how much
this variation was, and that it was not the same in
everyplace."1 In 1522, Cabot had told the Vene-
tian Ambassador Contarini " of a method he had
observed of finding the distance between two places
east and west of each other by means of the needle,
a beautiful discovery, never observed by any one
else".2 This fallacy, that the longitude could be
found by observing the variation at two places, was
subsequently adopted by Plancius, wTho even con-
structed an instrument for observing it. The idea
haunted the mind of Cabot to his dying day ; but it
was not original, being the conception of Jacob
Besson.3 Eden mentions that Cabot continued to
talk of a divine revelation to him of a new and
infallible method of finding the longitude, which he
was not permitted to disclose to any mortal, even
on his death-bed. He adds : " I thinke the goode
old man, in that extreme age, somewThat doted, and
had not yet, even in the article of death, utterly
1 Geographia, Livio Sanuto (Venezia, 1588), Lib. i, f. 2 ; Biddle,
p. 177, quoted by Harnsse.
2 Contarini, ubi sup,
8 Besson, La Cosmolabe (Paris, 4to), 1567, quoted by Harrisse.
xl INTRODUCTION.
shaken off all worldlye vayne glorie."1 Eden was
present at Cabot's death, but does not mention
when or where it took place, or where he was
buried.
On the death of Sebastian Cabot, all his maps
and papers came into the possession of his colleague,
William Worthington. Hakluyt, writing in 1 582,2
said that "shortly, God willing, shall come out in
print all his (Sebastian Cabot's) own mappes and
discourses, drawne and written by himselfe, which
are in the custodie of the worshipful Master William
Worthington, one of Her Majesty's Pensioners, who
(because so worthie monuments should not be buried
in perpetual oblivion) is very willing to suffer them
to be overseene, and published in as good order as
may be, to the encouragement and benefite of our
countrymen." But this was never done.3
1 " Epistle Dedicatory. A very necessarie and profitable book
concerning navigation, compiled in Latin by Joannes Taisnen/s, a
publik Professor in Rome, Ferraria, and other Universities in
Italie, named a Treatise of continual motions. Translated into
English by Richard Eden" (London, Rd. Jugge). Biddk, p. 222.
2 Divers Voyages, p. 26 (Hakluyt Society's ed.). Worth-
ington was one of the ordinary gentlemen and pensioners of
Edward VI, and " bailiff and collector of the rents and revenues
of all the manors, messuages, and hereditaments within the city of
London and county of Middlesex which did belong to colleges,
guilds, fraternities, or free chapels" (Strype, Ecc. Mem., vol. ii,
Ft. 11, p. 234). A pardon was granted to him, being indebted to
the King ^392 \os. 3d., his servant having run away with the
money. He seems to have been employed in France and Scot-
land.
3 Biddle suggested that Worthington handed over the papers of
INTRODUCTION. xll
The consideration of all the original documents
relating to Sebastian Cabot do not leave a pleasant
impression on the mind. His statements about his
birth, made to suit his purpose at the moment, show
that he was rather unscrupulous ; while his recorded
assertions that all the credit of his father's dis-
coveries was due to himself, if correctly repeated,
display an amount of vanity and an absence of filial
affection, combined with a disregard for truth, which
are repelling. He is said to have told the guest,
quoted by Ramusio, that his father had died at the
time when the news of the discovery of Columbus
arrived ; and that it was he, Sebastian, who made
the proposal to Henry VII, and fitted out the ships
in 1497! In the conversations repeated by Peter
Martyr, by Ramusio, by Gomara, and Galvano,
the father is never mentioned, and the reader
is made to suppose that Sebastian alone was the
discoverer. The same impression was received by
writers in England. Fabyan, repeated by Stow,
gives Sebastian, and not John, as the name of the
explorer, and Sir Humphrey Gilbert was even more
completely deceived, after a perusal of Ramusio.
In his Discourse of a New Passage to Cataia, he
writes as if John Cabot had never existed, and as if
Sebastian had commanded the expeditions. This
false impression was often repeated, and when Mr.
Cabot to Philip II, when he was in England in 1557. But this
appears to be disproved by the fact that they were still in Worth-
ington's possession in 1582.
xlii INTRODUCTION.
Biddle1 wrote his Memoir on Sebastian Cabot, he
reached the climax of unintentional injustice by
writing of the father as merely an old merchant,
who never even went to sea. The truth was re-
vealed by the discovery of the letters of the Italian
news-writers, and of the Spanish despatches. It is
true that on Legend No. 8 of his map Sebastian
mentions his father coupled with himself — "this
land was discovered by Joan Caboto, Venetian, and
Sebastian Caboto his son" — but this rather confirms
the painful impression caused by the silence respect-
ing his father elsewhere. For John Cabot was
a great navigator of long experience, advanced in
years, and in sole command of the expeditions ;
while Sebastian, if he went with him at all, which is
not certain, was then a lad of twenty-two. Fer-
nando Columbus might as well have coupled his
name with that of his illustrious father when he
wrote the account of the fourth voyage. But that
was the last thing Fernando would have done.
The contrast is striking between the filial piety of
the son of Columbus, and the absence of feeling for
the memory and fame of his father on the part of
the son of John Cabot.
1 A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, without author's name (Lon-
don, 1831), p. 50. John Biddle was an eminent American jurist
and statesman of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania. He was born in 1795,
and died in 1847. He purchased the well-known portrait of
Sebastian Cabot as an old man, which was burnt with his house at
Pittsburg. But a good copy had been made, now belonging to
the New York Historical Society.
INTRODUCTION. xIÍÍÍ
It is fair, however, to bear in mind that we have
the statements of Sebastian at second-hand. It is
possible that he was not silent respecting the ser-
vices of his father, and that those who repeated the
conversations omitted to mention one who would
not have the same interest for them as the living-
explorer with whom they were talking.
A still more unfavourable impression is caused by
a perusal of the correspondence of Contarini and
Soranzo. Sebastian Cabot, for his own ends, was
ready to enter upon secret negotiations with another
country at a time when he was in the pay and
employment of Spain or England, and was trusted
by his employers. There can be no doubt of his
ability and knowledge. He would not have re-
tained his employments so long, and his services
would not have been so highly valued, both by
Charles V and by the English Privy Council, if he
had not possessed those qualities in an eminent
degree. But the truth, as revealed by the docu-
ments that have been preserved, obliges us to add
that Sebastian Cabot appears to have been wanting
in filial affection, that his veracity is more than
doubtful, that he had no feeling of loyalty to his
employers, and that he was ready, without scruple,
to sacrifice them for his own ends. There may be
some mitigation in the fact that all his intrigues
appear to have been for the benefit of his native
country. His cunning and shrewdness secured his
safety, and his double dealing was unknown. He
reached an honoured and respected old age, after
xliv INTRODUCTION.
a long and prosperous career ; but he owed his
success to his good fortune and to the secrecy in
which his dealings were shrouded, not to his probity
and good faith. John Cabot was the great navigator,
the explorer and pioneer who lighted English enter-
prise across the Atlantic. His son Sebastian tried
to get the credit of his father's work, and for a time
succeeded ; but in the end the truth has prevailed.
While the son of Columbus devoted his life to the
pious work of preserving his father's fame, the son
of Cabot so obscured the story of his father's
discoveries that the merit of them was attributed
to himself, and it has taken centuries of research to
recover the truth, and to place John Cabot in his
rightful position. He was second only to his illus-
trious countryman as a discoverer, and his place is
in the forefront of the van of the long- and o-lorious
roll of leaders of English maritime enterprise.
IV. — Gaspar Corte- Real.
The voyages of Gaspar Corte- Real were the
direct consequence of the first voyage of Columbus.
But while John Cabot, fully imbued with the ideas
of his great countryman, sailed in quest of the king-
dom of the Grand Kaan and of Cipango, the Portu-
guese had the more practical object of discovering
what unknown lands to the westward were within
their sphere of action. By the Treaty of Tordesillas
between Spain and Portugal) signed on June ;th.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
1494, the Papal line of demarcation was extended to
eleven hundred and thirteen miles (370 leagues) west
of the Cape Verde Islands.1 There might well be
valuable unknown lands within those limits.
Gaspar Corte- Real, the third and youngest son of
a good family in Algarve, was born in about 1450.
His father, João Vaz Corte-Real, became Captain
Donative of the islands of Terceira and St. George,
in the Azores, in 1474, and died at Angra, in Ter-
ceira, in July 1496. Next to nothing is known of
the early life of Gaspar, but he was Lieutenant for
his family in Terceira in 1497 ; and in May 1500
he received letters patent from Manoel, King of
Portugal, to lead an expedition of discovery.
He fitted out two ships at the joint expense of
himself and his next brother, Miguel,2 and sailed in
the spring of 1500, from Lisbon, according to
Damian de Goes, or from Terceira, according to
Galvão.
The authorities for the voyages of Corte-Real are
a passage in the Chronicle of King Manoel, by
Damian de Goes ; another in the " Tratado" of
Antonio Galvão ; three news-letters from Italians
who were at Lisbon when the ships returned, and
an important map prepared to show the new dis-
coveries. Two of the letters are from Pietro Pas-
qualigo, the Ambassador from Venice, one to the
1 The first line, by the Bull of May 4th, 1493, was drawn 100
leagues west from the Cape Verde Islands.
2 Galvão says that it was at his own sole expense, but other
documents prove that his brother shared the cost.
xlvi INTRODUCTION.
Seigneury, and the other to his brothers.1 The
other is from an Italian named Alberto Cantino to
Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara.2 The Society
is indebted to the kindness of Mr. Henry Harrisse
for permission to have these letters translated from
the texts in his important work, Les Corte-Real et
leurs voyages au Nouveau Monde. Cantino was
commissioned by the Duke of Ferrara to have a
map of the world drawn at Lisbon, to show the dis-
coveries of Corte-Real. It was executed during the
year 1502, with the title, ''Nautical Chart for the
islands newly found in the region of India"; and was
duly transmitted to Ferrara. Its subsequent history
is curious. The Pope seized the duchy of Ferrara
in 1592, and the map was taken to Modena, where
one of the degenerate descendants of Duke Hercules
had it pasted on the folds of a common screen.
When the mob broke into the palace at Modena in
1859, this screen was stolen, and some years after-
wards Signor Boni, the librarian of the D'Este
Library, found it in a pork butcher's shop. He
bought it, and the precious map is now preserved in
that library at Modena. Mr. Harrisse, to whom
geographical science is deeply indebted for so many
1 The letter of Pasqualigo to his brothers has long been known,
as it was published in the Paesi novamente retrovati in 1507.
The one to the Seigneury is from a manuscript in the Marcian
Library at Venice, published in the Diarii di Marino Samtto
in 1880-81.
2 From the State Archives at Modena ; and first published in
the work of Mr. Harrisse on the Corte-Reales, p. 204.
INTRODUCTION. xl
Vil
other things, published a fine facsimile of the Cantino
map in 1883.
The Cantino map is drawn on vellum, richly-
coloured and gilt, and measures 3 feet 2 inches long
by 3 feet 5 inches. It is a plane chart, the lengths
of degrees of latitude and longitude being equal
throughout. The draughtsman employed by Cantino,
in order to execute his commission, must have ap-
plied to the pilots who returned in the ships of the
Corte- Real expedition, and must have received their
rough "cards" showing the coast-lines discovered,
with some details. He alone would be responsible
for the positions he selected for these new coast-lines
on his map of the world. They are represented by
the southern point of Greenland, a coast with a forest
of trees just to the east of the Papal dividing line
(which is traced across the map), and evidently
intended for the east coast of Newfoundland, and a
coast-line drawn due north and south, from the
latitude of Lisbon for about 700 miles north, and
just to the west of the longitude of Cuba, which is
shown to the south of it, but much too far north.
This can be nothing else than the coast of North
America. These three coast-lines are the new
features of the map, and, therefore, represent the
discoveries of Corte-Real.
The Cantino map is the most important authority
for these discoveries, supplemented by the letters of
the Italians and the brief notices of the chronicles.
There are also two legends on the map referring to
Greenland and Newfoundland.
xlviii INTRODUCTION.
Following these guides, we find that, after a long
voyage northwards, Corte- Real sighted the lofty
mountains of Greenland near Cape Farewell, but
did not land. Greenland is called " Punta d'Asia",
and we learn, from the legend on the map, that the
cosmographers at Lisbon believed it to be a part of
the Asiatic Continent.1 Proceeding northwards, they
came among icebergs, and sent boats to fill up with
fresh water from the rills flowing down their sides.
Next day they reached the edge of the ice.2 This
obliged them to alter course, and they eventually
sighted land in 50° N.,3 being the eastern coast of
Newfoundland. It was so covered with trees,
suitable for masts and yards of ships, that Corte-
Real gave it the name of "Terra Verde".4 Thence
he returned to Lisbon.
The second expedition was fitted out by Gaspar
Corte-Real at Lisbon in the spring of 1501 ; and he
1 See page 240. Legend on the map. This view was adopted
by Ruysch, who was the first to separate Greenland from Europe,
and connect it with Asia.
2 Cantino's letter (see p. 233). Cantino mixed up the first
and second voyages. The first part of his account, about icebergs
and the frozen sea, refers to the first voyage. This is quite clear,
for he says that it occupied four months to reach the icebergs
{guatro tnesi conttnui), and three more months to arrive at the land.
Allowing another month at least for the return voyage, that makes
eight months. Now the second voyage occupied less than five
months, consequently he cannot possibly be writing of that. We
do not know the duration of the first voyage, except roughly from
these data of Cantino. The rest of the letter doubtless refers to
the second voyage.
3 Galvão. 4 Damian de Goes.
INTRODUCTION. xlix
sailed on the 15th of May,1 to complete his dis-
coveries of the previous year, shaping a course
west and north.
The key to an understanding- of the course taken
by Corte- Real on his second voyage is to be found
in the letters of Pasqualigo. The Italian envoy
says that at a distance of 1,800 miles (Cantino gives
more correctly 2,800 miles) they came to land, that
they coasted along it for 600 or 700 miles, but that
they failed to reach the land discovered in the first
voyage, by reason of the ice. Now they cannot
possibly have coasted for 700 miles from north to
south after leaving Lisbon, consequently they must
have coasted from south to north, and this is twice
distinctly stated by Pasqualigo. An explanation of
the other new coast-line on the Cantino map, placed
south to north, and beoqnninQf in the latitude of
Lisbon, is thus supplied. At the south end this
land turns west,2 and there are some islands.
1 Cantino says the ships had been absent nine months in
October, and consequently they must have sailed in January, ac-
cording to him. He had mixed up the first voyage with the
second. Damian de Goes gives the date of May 15th for their
sailing : which is probably right. Mr. Harrisse has published
documents showing that the supply of biscuit was received on board
on April 2 1 st.
2 It has been conjectured that this turn of the coast is intended
to represent Florida. But Florida was unknown until 15 13, and
the turn of the coast is in the latitude of Lisbon. It may perhaps
be argued that as Cuba and Espafiola are placed so far north of
their real latitude on this map, so may the turn of the coast be.
But there is no such analogy. Cantino's draughtsman was de-
pendent on Spanish cartographers, such as Juan de la Cosa, for
1
INTRODUCTION.
Corte-Real, steering- west from Lisbon for 2,800
(3,000) miles, always with fine weather, according to
Cantino,1 reached the entrance to Delaware Bay,
or Chesapeake Bay, where the land is made to turn
west, and this point is named the Cape of the
end of April,2 doubtless to commemorate some
event which took place on that day, possibly a
visit from the King, just before the expedition
sailed. Altogether, there are twenty-two names
written along the coast, all Portuguese, though the
meaning of some is not quite clear, owing, perhaps,
to damp or rubbing in the places where they were
written on the original "card" of the pilot.
After reaching this bay, Corte-Real shaped a
course to the north, wishing to connect his dis-
covery with the land he had reached on the previous
voyage. At first he was in a temperate region
yielding delicious fruits. Proceeding northwards,
he came to very large rivers, indicating the exist-
ence of a great continent. Next there was a region
the latitude of Cuba and Espaiiola, who misled him. Those islands
are equally out, as regards latitude, on the map of La Cosa. For
his new coast-line he had the original observations of the pilots of
Corte-Real.
1 " Sempre con bon tempo."
2 C. do Jim do abrill. Mr. Stevens, who thought that the west
coast-line on the Cantino map was a duplicate Cuba turned the
wrong way, stated that Columbus himself named the east point of
Cuba Cape Fundabrill, because he started from there on the
30th of April (JoJiann Schoner, a reproduction of his Globe of
1523, by Henry Stevens, edited by C H. Coote, p. xviii).
Columbus never gave it that name. He named the east point of
Cuba Alpha et Omega, on December 5th, 1492. See note at p. 97.
INTRODUCTION. li
with large pine trees.1 Then they came to a sea
abounding in fish.2 They had reached Nova Scotia
or Cape Breton, having sailed along the coast for
700 miles. At some place, where they landed,
a broken sword and two silver rings were found,
relics of the second voyage of John Cabot.3
Still wishing to reach Newfoundland, the land
discovered during the first voyage further north,
Corte- Real left the coast, and pushed into the foggy,
ice-encumbered sea. He and his vessel were never
aofain heard of. In Portugal his east coast of
Newfoundland received the name of the Land of
Corte-Real.4 The other two vessels made the best
of their way to Lisbon, with several natives on
board, arriving on the 9th and 11th of October,
after a voyage of a month. The distance from
Nova Scotia to Lisbon is 2,000 miles, so that the
ships made good about seventy miles a day.
In due time the rough "cards" of the pilots were
furnished to Cantino's draughtsman ; and he had to
deal with the materials supplied to him in construct-
1 See the letter from Cantino at p. 233.
2 See p. 238. 3 See p. 237.
4 In the map of the Ptolemy of 15 13, by Bernardus Sylvanus,
the name Corte-Real is turned into Latin. There is an island
named " Regalis Domus", and another to the east of it called
"Terra Labora'". But there is no reference to Labrador in any
of the authorities for the voyages of Corte-Real. The King of
Portugal is said to have hoped to derive good slave labour from
the lands discovered by Corte-Real. That is all. The name
" Labrador" is not Portuguese ; and Corte-Real was never on the
Labrador coast
/
Hi INTRODUCTION.
ing his map of the world, drawn to show the
recently found lands. He placed Newfoundland to
the east of the Papal line, just bringing it within
the Portuguese dominion. This, of course, causes
serious distortion, for the 3,000 miles sailed west on
the second voyage obliged him to place the North
American coast much further to the west, and thus,
drawing on a plane chart, there appears to be an
inordinate distance between the two lands. He
also made the mistake of putting the western coast
on a north and south line, instead of giving it the
proper trend to the east. If this had been done,
with more easterly longitude to commence with, and
Cuba with the other islands had been placed south
of the tropic, the map would not have been amiss.
The same draughtsman must have supplied materials
for other maps. The Portuguese map by Canerio,
recently discovered at Paris, but undated, copies
the outlines and names from that of Cantino. The
same western coast-line appears on the important
map of the world by Johann Ruysch, engraved in
1508, with most of the names. But here the
western coast of Cantino is turned into Cuba, while
the real Cuba is omitted ; and Newfoundland is
made a part of the continent of Asia. The map of
the world by Waldseemtiller, for the Ptolemy of
1 5 13, has an exact copy of the western coast-line
on the Cantino map, but continues it, without any
names, round to Venezuela. The blunder of placing
Cuba and Espanola north of the tropic is here
repeated.
INTRODUCTION. llll
The Cantino coast appears again on the Schemer
globes of 1 51 5 and 1520, where it is continued
southwards to an extensive land called Parias, which
is separated by a strait from South America. It is
also traceable on the maps of Petrus Apianus (1520)
and of Grynseus (Basle, 1532), which in this part
are repetitions of the delineation on the Schemer
globes. It will thus be seen that the work of the
Cantino draughtsman, based on surveys by the pilots
of Corte-Real, exercised a very decided influence on
cartography for many years, almost until the appear-
ance of the great map of Ortelius in 1570. Recent
writers on the subject of the Cantino map have
ignored the obvious fact that the western coast
there delineated must be assumed to be a discovery
by Corte-Real unless there is positive evidence to
the contrary, because the map was drawn to show
those discoveries. It was a Carta da nanigar per
le isole nouamte tr{pvate). The consequence has
been that several theories have been started to
account for the appearance of such a coast-line.1
1 Mr. Harrisse came to the conclusion that the coast did not
represent the work of Corte-Real, because it was placed at such an
immense distance west of Newfoundland. He thought that an
experienced navigator like Corte-Real could not possibly have
made such a blunder (Les Corte-Real, p. 149). But Corte-Real
had nothing whatever to do with it. He never returned, and was
dead long before the map was drawn. The draughtsman was
alone responsible for the positions of the coast-lines on his mappa-
mundi, and in placing Newfoundland so far east he was influenced
by political motives, as has been explained. Mr. Harrisse sees
that the west roast must be that of North America, but he sup-
liv INTRODUCTION.
When Gaspar Corte- Real did not return all through
the winter, his brother Miguel fitted out two ships,
and went in search' of him in the spring of 1 502.
He, too, was never heard of more, although his
consort returned safely. Then the eldest brother,
Vasque Anes Corte- Real, the Captain-donative of
Terceira and St. George, proposed to go in search
of Gaspar and Miguel. But King Manoel felt that
there had already been too many valuable lives lost,
and refused his consent. Vasque Anes lived to the
patriarchal age of ninety, and continued the line.
His great-grandson, Manoel Corte- Real, fell fight-
ing by the side of King Sebastian at the fatal battle
of Kasr-el-Kebir, in 1578, when the male line of the
Corte- Reals became extinct.
poses that it was discovered and mapped by a series of unknown
navigators previous to the year 1502. The rejection of the
obvious solution, that the draughtsman employed to draw the
discoveries of Corte-Real did draw them, has given rise to various
other untenable theories about this coast-line. Mr. Stevens
thought the Cantino coast-line was a duplicate Cuba (p. xx), a
" bogus" Cuba, as his editor calls it (p. xxxiii), {Johann Schoner,
by Henry Stevens, edited by C. H. Coote, 1888); while Varn-
hagen conjectured that it was a discovery of Vespucci during his
apocryphal first voyage ! Others think it is Yucatan, or work
done by the English. Varnhagen did not know the Cantino map,
but argued from the map in the Ptolemy of 15 13, which is copied
from the same materials.
SAILING DIRECTIONS
COLUMBUS,
BEING THE LETTERS FROM PAOLO TOSCANELLI.
RESTORATION
1 TOSCANELLI MAP.
FIRST LETTER
OF
PAOLO TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS.
(Enclosing a map and a copy of his letter to Martins.)
Prologue to Columbus}
AUL, the Physician, to Cristobal
Colombo greeting. I perceive your
magnificent and great desire to find
a way to where the spices grow, and
in reply to your letter I send you
the copy of another letter which I
wrote, some days ago,2 to a friend and favourite of the
most serene King of Portugal before the wars of Castille,3
1 The prologue, addressed to Columbus, is printed by Las Casas,
i, 92-96, and in cap. viii of the Vita del Ammiraglio. The original
Latin is lost.
2 Las Casas has "Ha dias". In the Vita — "Alquanti giomifa."
3 Toscanelli means that his correspondent was a friend and favourite
of the King before the wars of Castille in the reign of Henry IV,
which began in 1465. He fixes the date of his letter to Columbus by
the words " some days ago", that is, he wrote the first letter, a copy
of which he sends, some days before the letter to Columbus. The date
of the first letter is June 24th, 1474.
But Mr. Harrisse takes the words, "before the wars of Castille", as
referring to the date of the first letter, and assumes that it is intended
B 2
4 FIRST LETTER OF TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS.
in reply to another which, by direction of his Highness,
he wrote to me on the said subject, and I send you another
sea chart1 like the one I sent him, by which you will be
satisfied respecting your enquiries : which copy is as
follows :
A Copy of the letter to Martins?
"Paul, the Physician, to Fernan Martins, Canon at Lisbon,
greeting, it was pleasant to me to understand that your
health was good, and that you are in the favour and intimacy
with the most generous and most magnificent Prince, your
King.3 I have already spoken with you respecting a
shorter way to the places of spices than that which you
to imply that the letter of Columbus was written after the wars of
Castille, which he supposes to mean the war of succession with Por-
tugal from 1475 to 1479. So he concludes that the letter to Columbus
was not written before 1480. But, granting that the words "before
the wars of Castille" refer to the date of the letter, it does not follow
that the second letter was written after the war was over. The first
letter may have been written in 1474 before the war began, and the
second in 1475 after the war began.
The words " some days ago" are, however, conclusive evidence
that the words " before the wars of Castille" do not refer to the date
of the letter. If they did, the words "some days ago" would be un-
meaning. The date of the letter to Martins being June 24th, 1474,
that of the letter to Columbus was some days afterwards, in July
1474.
1 This chart, after the death of the Admiral and his son Fernando,
became the property of Las Casas (i, p. 96), but it is now lost.
2 A copy of the original Latin letter from Toscanelli to Martins
in the handwriting of Columbus himself, was found in the Columbine
Library at Seville in i860. It was in a fly-leaf of a book by Eneas
Silvius, which formerly belonged to the Admiral. It is printed in
Asensio's Life of Columbus (i, p. 250), and the above is translated
from the text of Asensio. A Spanish version is given by Las Casas,
i, p. 92, and an Italian version is in the Vita del Ammiraglio,
cap. xiii.
3 Affonso V, who was a nephew of Prince Henry the Navigator.
He succeeded his father, King Duarte, in 1438, and died in 148 1.
COPY OF THE LETTER TO FERNAN MARTINS. 5
take by Guinea, by means of maritime navigation. The
most serene King now seeks from me some statement, or
rather a demonstration to the eye, by which the slightly
learned may take in and understand that way. I know
this can be shown from the spherical shape of the earth,
yet, to make the comprehension of it easier, and to facili-
tate the work, I have determined to show that way by
means of a sailing chart. I, therefore, send to his Majesty
a chart made by my own hands, on which are delineated
your coasts and islands, whence you must begin to make
your journey always westward, and the places at which
you should arrive, and how far from the pole or the
equinoctial line you ought to keep, and through how much
space or over how many miles you should arrive at those
most fertile places full of all sorts of spices and jewels.
You must not be surprised if I call the parts where the
spices are west, when they usually call them east, because
to those always sailing west, those parts are found by
navigation on the under side1 of the earth. But if by land
and by the upper side,2 they will always be found to the
east. The straight lines shown lengthways on the map
indicate the distance from east to west, and those that are
drawn across show the spaces from south to north. I
have also noted on the map several places at which you
may arrive for the better information of navigators, if
they should reach a place different from what was ex-
pected, by reason of the wind or any other cause ; and
also that they may show some acquaintance with the
country to the natives, which ought to be sufficiently
agreeable to them. It is asserted that none but mer-
chants live on the islands. For there the number of
navigators with merchandize is so great that in all the rest
1 " Per subterrâneas navigationes."
2 " Per superiora itinera."
6 FIRST LETTER OF TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS.
of the world there are not so many as in one most noble
port called Zaitun.1 For they affirm that a hundred ships
laden with pepper discharge their cargoes in that port in
a single year, besides other ships bringing other spices.
That country is very populous and very rich, with a multi-
tude of provinces and kingdoms, and with cities without
number, under one prince who is called Great Kan,'2 which
name signifies Rex Regum in Latin, whose seat and resi-
dence is generally in the province Katay.3 His ancestors
desired intercourse with Christians now 200 years ago.
They sent to the Pope and asked for several persons
learned in the faith, that they might be enlightened, but
those who were sent, being impeded in their journey, went
1 "Zaitun (or Zayton) is believed to be Chwangchan-fu (often called
in our charts Chinchew), a famous seaport of Fokien, in China, about
100 miles S.W. by S. of Fuchau" (Sir H. Yule's note, Marco Polo, ii,
219). Marco Polo calls it "the very great and noble city of Zayton".
He says that " for one shipload of pepper that goes to Alexandria, or
elsewhere, destined for Christendom, there come a hundred such, aye
and more, too, to this haven of Zayton, for it is one of the two greatest
havens in the world for commerce". Ibn Batuta pronounces it to be
the greatest haven in the world. Marco Polo further says that " the
haven of Zayton is frequented by all the ships of India, which bring
thither spicery and all other kinds of costly wares, including precious
stones and pearls".
2 Sir H. Yule points out the distinction between Khan and Kaan
(or Kan). The former may be rendered Lord, and was applied to
chiefs, whether sovereigns or not. In Persia, Afghanistan, and
Musulman India it has become a common affix to all names. But
Kaan is a form of Khakan, the peculiar title of the supreme sovereign
of the Mongols. Marco Polo always writes Kaan as applied to the
Great Kaan. Toscanelli, followed by Columbus, writes Kan. In
1259, Kublai became sovereign of the Mongols, and the Grand Kaan
was the Emperor of China of his dynasty.
3 The name of Khitay, or Cathay, is derived from a people called
Khitan, whose chief ruled over northern China for two hundred years,
until 1 123. Southern China remained under the native Sung
dynasty, and was called Machin, or Mangi, with their capital at
Hang-chau.
COPY OF THE LETTER TO FERNAN MARTINS. J
back. Also in the time of Eugenius one of them came to
Eugenius,1 who affirmed their great kindness towards
Christians, and I had a long conversation with him on
many subjects, about the magnitude of their rivers in
length and breadth, and on the multitude of cities on the
banks of the rivers. He said that on one river there were
near 200 cities with marble bridges great in length and
breadth, and everywhere adorned with columns. This
country is worth seeking by the Latins, not only because
great wealth may be obtained from it, gold and silver, all
sorts of gems, and spices, which never reach us ; but also
on account of its learned men, philosophers, and expert astro-
logers, and by what skill and art so powerful and magni-
ficent a province is governed, as well as how their wars
are conducted. This is for some satisfaction to his re-
quest, so far as the shortness of time and my occupations
admitted : being ready in future more fully to satisfy his
royal Majesty as far as he may wish.
" Given at Florence, June 24th, 1474."
1 In 1260, Nicolo and Maffeo Polo left Constantinople, and reached
the court of the Great Kaan Kublai. He determined to send them
back as his Ambassadors to the Pope, accompanied by an officer of
his own court. His letters to the Pope were mainly to desire the
despatch of a large body of educated missionaries to convert his
people. They returned in 1269, and found that no Pope existed, for
Clement IV died in 1268, and no new election had taken place.
There was a long interregnum ; and the Polos, tired of waiting, started
for the East again in 1271, taking their nephew Marco with them. On
the coast of Syria they heard of the Pope's election as Gregory X, but
the new Pope only supplied them with two Dominicans, who lost
heart and drew back. The Venetians returned to the court of Kublai
in 1275.
The second mission of which Toscanelli speaks was two hundred
years later. Eugenius IV (the only Eugenius after 1153) was Pope
from 1431 to 1447 ; and it is to a mission in his time that the Floren-
tine astronomer refers.
FIRST LETTER OF TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS.
Letter to Columbus Resumed}
From the city of Lisbon due west there are 26 spaces
marked on the map, each of which has 250 miles, as far as
the most noble and very great city of Ouinsay.2 For it is
a hundred miles in circumference and has ten bridges, and
its name signifies the city of Heaven ; many wonders
being related concerning it, touching the multitude of its
handicrafts and resources. This space is almost a third
part of the whole sphere. That city is in the province of
Mangi,3 or near the province Katay, in which land is the
royal residence. But from the island Antilia, known to you,4
1 In the Vita del Ammiraglio this is printed as if it was a part of
the letter to Martins.
2 Quinsay, or Kinsay, represents the Chinese term Kingaze, which
means capital. The name of this capital city was then Lin-ggan, and
is now Hang-chau-fu. Marco Polo gives an account of the great city
of Kinsay in chapter lxxvi of his second book. He calls it "the
most noble city of Kinsay, a name which is as much as to say in our
tongue the city of Heaven". He also says that it was a hundred miles in
circumference, and that there were in it 12,000 bridges of stone, which
Toscanelli reduces to ten. "The Ocean Sea comes within 25 miles
of the city at a place called Ganfu, where there is a town and an
excellent Haven. The city of Kinsay is the head of all Mangi."
(Yule's Marco Polo, ii, 69. )
3 Mangi, or Manzi, was the name applied to China south of the
Hwang-ho, held by the native Sung dynasty until 1176. Persian
writers call it Machin.
4 This proves that Columbus had referred to Antilia in his lost
letter to Toscanelli. The fabulous island of Antilia or Antilia first
appeared on a portolano of 1425. It is placed on the chart of Andrea
Bianco of Venice, bearing date 1436, in longitude 25o 35' W. Ruysch,
in his map engraved after the death of Columbus, removed it to
between 37o W. and 40o W., adding a legend to the effect that it was
discovered long ago by Roderick, the last of the Gothic Kings of
Spain, who took refuge there after his defeat by the Moors, but had
since been searched for in vain. Another tale was that two arch-
bishops and five bishops escaped to Antilia, after the death of Rode-
rick, and that they built seven cities there. One of the beautiful
CIPANGU. 9
to the most noble island of Cippangue1 there are ten
spaces. For that island is most fertile in gold, pearls, and
precious stones, and they cover the temples and palaces
with solid gold. Thus the spaces of sea to be crossed in
the unknown parts are not great. Many things might
perhaps have been declared more exactly, but a diligent
thinker will be able to clear up the rest for himself. Fare-
well, most excellent one.
portolani of Benincasa shows it, on the western edge, as a very large
oblong island, with the names of the seven cities all given.
The name Antilles was first applied to the West Indian Islands on
the Portuguese map drawn for Cantino in 1500.
1 Marco Polo says : " Chipangu is an island towards the east in
the high seas, 1,500 miles distant from the continent, and a very great
island it is. The Lord of that island hath a great palace which is
entirely roofed with fine gold. Moreover, all the pavement of the
palace, and the floors of its chambers, are entirely of gold, in plates
like slabs of stone, a good two fingers thick ; and the windows are
also of gold, so that altogether the richness of this palace is past all
bounds and all belief. They have also pearls in abundance and
quantities of other precious stones." (Yule's Marco Polo, ii, p. 237.)
Sir H. Yule says that Chipangu represents the Chinese Zhi-pan-
kwe, the kingdom of Japan. The name Zhi-pan being the Mandarin
form of which the term Niphon, used in Japan, is a variation, both
meaning " the origin of the sun", or sun-rising. Our Japan was pro-
bably taken from the Malay " Japang". Kiempfer repeats the fable of
the golden palace.
SECOND LETTER
PAOLO TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS.1
PAUL, the Physician, to Cristoval Colombo greeting. I
received your letters with the things you sent me, and
with them I received great satisfaction. I perceive your
magnificent and grand desire to navigate from the parts
of the east to the west, in the way that was set forth in
the letter that I sent you, and which will be demonstrated
better on a round sphere. It pleases me much that I
should be well understood ; for the said voyage is not
only possible, but it is true, and certain to be honorable
and to yield incalculable profit, and very great fame
among all Christians. But you cannot know this perfectly
save through experience and practice, as I have had in the
form of most copious and good and true information from
distinguished men of great learning who have come from
the said parts, here in the court of Rome, and from others
being merchants who have had business for a long time
in those parts, men of high authority. Thus when that
voyage shall be made, it will be to powerful kingdoms and
cities and most noble provinces, very rich in all manner of
things in great abundance and very necessary to us, such
as all sorts of spices in great quantity, and jewels in the
greatest abundance.
It will also go to the said Kings and Princes who are
very desirous, more than ourselves, to have intercourse and
1 Given by Las Casas, i, p. 95.
SECOND LETTER OE TOSCANELLI TO COLUMBUS. I I
speech with Christians of these our parts, because a great
part of them are Christians, as well as to have speech and
intercourse with men of learning and ingenuity here, as
well in religion as in all the other sciences, by reason of
the great fame of the empires and governments in these
parts that has reached them. On account of all these
things, and of many others that might be mentioned, I do
not wonder that you, who have great courage, and all the
Portuguese people who have always been men eager for
all great undertakings, should be with a burning heart
and feel a great desire to undertake the said voyage.
JOURNAL
FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.
JOURNAL
OF THE
FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.
This is the first voyage and the routes
and direction taken by the Admiral Don Cristobal
Colon when he discovered the Indies, sum-
marized ; except the prologue made for the
Sovereigns, which is given word for
word and commences in this
manner.
In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ.
ECAUSE, O most Christian, and very
high, very excellent, and puissant
Princes, King and Queen of the
Spains and of the islands of the
Sea, our Lords, in this present year
of 1492, after your Highnesses had
given an end to the war with the
Moors who reigned in Europe, and had finished it in the
very great city of Granada, where in this present year,
on the second day of the month of January, by force
of arms, I saw the royal banners of your Highnesses
placed on the towers of Alfambra, which is the fortress of
that city, and I saw the Moorish King come forth from
the gates of the city and kiss the royal hands of your
Highnesses, and of the Prince my Lord, and presently in
l6 JOURNAL OF THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.
that same month, acting on the information that I had
given to your Highnesses touching the lands of India, and
respecting a Prince who is called Gran Can, which means
in our language King of Kings, how he and his ancestors
had sent to Rome many times to ask for learned men of
our holy faith to teach him, and how the Holy Father had
never complied, insomuch that many people believing in
idolatries were lost by receiving doctrine of perdition :
YOUR HIGHNESSES, as Catholic Christians and Princes who
love the holy Christian faith, and the propagation of it,
and who are enemies to the sect of Mahoma and to all
idolatries and heresies, resolved to send me, Cristobal
Colon, to the said parts of India to see the said princes,
and the cities and lands, and their disposition, with a view
that they might be converted to our holy faith ; and
ordered that I should not go by land to the eastward, as
had been customary, but that I should go by way of the
west, whither up to this day, we do not know for certain
that any one has gone.
Thus, after having turned out all the Jews from all your
kingdoms and lordships,1 in the same month of January,
1 The decree for the expulsion of the Jews was really dated March
20th, 1492. Dr. Don Fernando Belmonte, an officer employed in the
archives of Seville, recently discovered a document which refers to the
expulsion of the Jews from Palos while Columbus was equipping his
expedition. It is a process taken before the Corregidor of Moguer in
January 1552, and one Juan de Aragon, a native of Moguer, then
aged 70, gave evidence. He said that 55 years before, more or less, he
was a boy on board a vessel at Palos, and saw Cristobal de Colon
ready to sail for the Indies with three ships. This was in August or
September. He further deposed that, having returned from his
voyage, after having left the Jews in the parts beyond, and in another
year, coming by sea, he met the ship of Martin Alonso Pinzon return-
ing from the discovery (Ascnsio, i, 264). This boy was, therefore, in
the ship which conveyed some of the banished Jews from Palos to
Africa, at the very time that Columbus was fitting out his expedition.
January, in the text, is a misprint.
THE JOURNAL OF COLUMBUS. \J
your Highnesses gave orders to me that with a sufficient fleet
I should go to the said parts of India, and for this they
made great concessions to me, and ennobled me, so that
henceforward I should be called Don, and should be Chief
Admiral of the Ocean Sea, perpetual Viceroy and Governor
of all the islands and continents that I should discover and
gain, and that I might hereafter discover and gain in the
Ocean Sea, and that my eldest son should succeed, and so
on from generation to generation for ever.
I left the city of Granada on the 12th day of May, in the
same year of 1492, being Saturday, and came to the town
of Palos, which is a seaport ; where I equipped three
vessels1 well suited for such service ; and departed from
that port, well supplied with provisions and with many
sailors, on the 3d day of August of the same year, being
Friday, half an hour before sunrise, taking the route to the
islands of Canária, belonging to your Highnesses, which
are in the said Ocean Sea, that I might thence take my
departure for navigating until I should arrive at the Indies,
and give the letters of your Highnesses to those princes, so
as to comply with my orders. As part of my duty I
thought it well to write an account of all the voyage very
punctually, noting from day to day all that I should do and
see, and that should happen, as will be seen further on.
Also, Lords Princes, I resolved to describe each night what
passed in the day, and to note each day how I navigated
1 Columbus never mentions the name of the ship in which he sailed.
It was owned by Juan de la Cosa of Santona. Oviedo calls it the
Gallega; Herrera, the Santa Maria. It was the largest, about 100
tons. The others were two caravels of Palos, called the Pinta and
Nina. The Pinta was commanded by Martin Alonso Pinzon, and
owned by two sailors who served on board. The Nina, named after its
owners, the Nino family, was commanded oy Vicente Yahez Pinzon,
with three Nihos on board, one as pilot, another as master, and a
third as one of the seamen.
1 8 DEPARTURE FROM THE BAR OF SALTES.
at night. I propose to construct a new chart for navigat-
ing, on which I shall delineate all the sea and lands of the
Ocean in their proper positions under their bearings ; and
further, I propose to prepare a book, and to put down all as
it were in a picture, by latitude from the equator, and
western longitude. Above all, I shall have accomplished
much, for I shall forget sleep, and shall work at the busi-
ness of navigation, that so the service may be performed ;
all which will entail great labour.
Friday, 3d of A agust.
We departed on Friday, the 3d of August, in the year
1492, from the bar of Saltes,1 at 8 o'clock, and proceeded
with a strong sea breeze until sunset, towards the south,
for 60 miles, equal to 15 leagues2; afterwards S.W. and
W.S.W., which was the course for the Canaries.
Saturday, 41/1 of August.
They steered S.W. \ S.
1 Saltes is an island formed by two arms of the river Odiel, in front
of the town of Huelva. It was inhabited certainly until the twelfth
century, and as late as 1267 King Alonso the Wise fixed the boundary
between the towns of Saltes and Huelva. It is unknown when it
ceased to be inhabited, but even in the Suma de Geografia of Martin
Fernandez de Enciso, printed in 15 19, mention is made of that town
of Saltes, yet it is certain thai, at that time, only the church remained,
attached to those of Huelva, which shows that there were no longer
any inhabited houses. No length of time can have passed before the
church itself fell into ruins, for, in order to preserve some memory of it,
a hermitage was founded in Huelva with the title of " Our Lady of
Saltes", in which a cross was kept, being a relic of the old church.
Some traces of the church remain, and the district is divided into
arable lands, pastures, and woods preserved for the chase ; being the
property of the Marquis of Ayamonte, with the title of Count of Saltes.
(Huelva Ilustrada del Lie D. fuan de Mora. Sevilla, 1762.) — N.
2 Columbus used Italian miles, which are shorter than the Spanish ;
four Italian being equivalent to three Spanish, or a league. — N.
THE RUDDER OF THE " PINTA". 19
Sunday, $t/i of August.
They continued their course day and night more than 40
leagues.
Monday, 6th of August.
The rudder of the caravel Pinta became unshipped, and
Martin Alonso Pinzon, who was in command, believed or
suspected that it was by contrivance of Gomes Rascon and
Cristobal Ouintero, to whom the caravel belonged, for they
dreaded to go on that voyage. The Admiral says that,
before they sailed, these men had been displaying a certain
backwardness, so to speak. The Admiral was much dis-
turbed at not being able to help the said caravel without
danger, and he says that he was eased of some anxiety
when he reflected that Martin Alonso Pinzon was a man of
energy and ingenuity. They made, during the day and
night, 29 leagues.
Tuesday, Jth of August.
The rudder of the Pinta was shipped and secured, and
they proceeded on a course for the island of Lanzarote, one
of the Canaries. They made, during the day and night, 25
leagues.
Wednesday, St/i of August.
Opinions respecting their position varied among the
pilots of the three caravels ; but that of the Admiral
proved to be nearer the truth. He wished to go to Gran
Canária, to leave the caravel Pinta, because she was dis-
abled by the faulty hanging of her rudder, and was making
water. He intended to obtain another there if one could
be found. They could not reach the place that day.
Thursday, gt/i of A ugust.
The Admiral was not able to reach Gomera until the
night of Sunday, while Martin Alonso remained on that
C 2
20 COMERA.
coast of Gran Canária by order of the Admiral, because his
vessel could not be navigated. Afterwards the Admiral
took her to Canária, and they repaired the Pinta very
thoroughly through the pains and labour of the Admiral, of
Martin Alonso, and of the rest.1 Finally they came to
Gomera. They saw a great fire issue from the mountain
of the island of Tenerife, which is of great height. They
rigged the Pinta with square sails, for she was lateen
rigged ; and the Admiral reached Gomera on Sunday, the
2nd of September, with the Pinta repaired.
The Admiral says that many honourable Spanish gentle-
men who were at Gomera with Dona Ines Peraza, mother
of Guillen Peraza (who was afterwards the first Count of
Gomera), and who were natives of the island of Hierro, de-
clared that every year they saw land to the west of the
Canaries ; and others, natives of Gomera, affirmed the same
on oath. The Admiral here says that he remembers, when
in Portugal in the year 1484, a man came to the King from
the island of Madeira, to beg for a caravel to go to this land
that was seen, who swore that it could be seen every year,
and always in the same way. He also says that he re-
collects the same thing being affirmed in the islands of the
Azores ; and all these lands were described as in the same
direction, and as being like each other, and of the same size.2
1 Herrera says that the rig of the Niiía was altered from lateen to
square sails, at this time; and the Pinta was supplied with a new
rudder. {Dec. I, Lib. 1, cap. ix.)
2 By the death of Fernan Peraza in 1452, the lordship of the
Canaries remained with his daughter Doha Ines, married to Diego de
Herrera, whose title was confirmed by the King, Don Enrique IV, on
the 28th of September 1454. Then, as the Admiral says, the inhabi-
tants of Gomera and of Hierro saw land to the westward every year,
which they supposed to be the imaginary isle of San Borondon. After-
wards the illusions and vulgar belief in its existence continued in spite
of the ships sent to find it, which never were able to do so, although
the ablest mariners were employed on the service. Viera, in his
DEPARTURE FROM COMERA. 21
Having taken in water, wood, and meat, and all else that
the men had who were left at Gomera by the Admiral when
he went to the island of Canária to repair the caravel Pinta,
he finally made sail from the said island of Gomera, with
his three caravels, on Thursday, the 6th day of September.
Thursday, 6tk of September.
He departed on that day from the port of Gomera in the
morning, and shaped a course to go on his voyage ; having
received tidings from a caravel that came from the island
of Hierro that three Portuguese caravels were off that
history of the Canaries, refers to all these attempts in detail, with
sincerity and critical judgment, and Feijoo refutes the stories as
superstitions of the common people.
Pedro de Medina, in his Grandezas de Espana, says that at no great
distance from the island of Madeira there was another island called
Antilia, which is not now seen, but which is found figured on a very
ancient sea-chart ; and Viera affirms that some Portuguese and in-
habitants of Madeira saw lands to the westward which they were never
able to reach, although they tried. From this took its origin the
representing on the charts, which were then drawn, of some new
islands in those seas, especially Antilia and San Borondon. This is
found on the globe which was drawn by Martin Behaim at Nurem-
berg in 1492, to the S.W. of Hierro, though the Cape Verde Isles are
interposed between them.
From these groundless notions which prevailed for nearly four
centuries, and particularly at the time of the discoveries at the end of
the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth centuries, and from the
malignant envy that strove to detract from the merit of the great
Columbus, may have arisen the rumour that the new continent and
islands had previously been discovered either by Alonso Sanchez de
Huelva, or by some other Portuguese or Biscayan navigator, as
several Spaniards wrote ; or by Martin de Behaim, as even in modern
times some foreigners have affirmed. But Oviedo, a contemporary
author, said that in reality no one was able to declare this novelty
which was current among the vulgar, and that he considered it to
be false. Don Cristobal Cladera, in his Investigaciones Históricas,
refuted these pretensions of natives and foreigners with very solid
reasoning, defending the merit and glory of the first Admiral of the
Indies. — N.
22 TWO RECKONINGS FOR THE VOYAGE.
island with the object of taking him. (This must have
been the result of the King's annoyance that Colon should
have gone to Castille.1) There was a calm all that day and
night, and in the morning he found himself between
Gomera and Tenerife.
Friday \ yth of September.
The calm continued all Friday and Saturday, until the
third hour of the night.
Saturday, 8t/t of September.
At the third hour of Saturday night it began to blow
from the N.E., and the Admiral shaped a course to the
west. He took in much sea over the bows, which retarded
progress, and 9 leagues were made in that day and night.
Sunday, gt/i of September.
This day the Admiral made 19 leagues, and he arranged
to reckon less than the number run, because if the voyage
was of long duration, the people would not be so terrified
and disheartened. In the night he made 120 miles, at the
rate of 12 miles an hour, which are 30 leagues. The
sailors steered badly, letting the ship fall off to N.E., and
even more, respecting which the Admiral complained many
times.
Monday, lot/i of September.
In this day and night he made 60 leagues, at the rate of
10 miles an hour, which are 2\ leagues ; but he only
counted 48 leagues, that the people might not be alarmed
if the voyage should be long.
Tuesday, nt/i of September.
That day they sailed on their course, which was west,
and made 20 leagues and more. They saw a large piece
1 An interpolation by Las Casas.
VARIATION OF THE COMPASS.
*â
of the mast of a ship of 120 tons, but were unable to get
it. In the night they made nearly 20 leagues, but only
counted 16, for the reason already given.
Wednesday, 12th of September.
That day, steering their course, they made 33 leagues
during the day and night, counting less.
Thursday, 13th of September.
That day and night, steering their course, which was
west, they made 33 leagues, counting 3 or 4 less. The
currents were against them. On this day, at the com-
mencement of the night, the needles turned a half point to
north-west, and in the morning they turned somewhat
more north-west.1
Friday, \\tJi of September.
That day they navigated, on their westerly course, day
and night, 20 leagues, counting a little less. Here those of
the caravel Nina reported that they had seen a tern2 and a
boatswain bird,3 and these birds never go more than 25
leagues from the land.
Saturday, i$th of September.
That day and night they made 27 leagues and rather
more on their west course ; and in the early part of the
night there fell from heaven into the sea a marvellous
1 " From this", says Herrera, " the Admiral knew that the needle
did not point to the North Star but to another fixed point that is
invisible. To turn north-west is the same as to say that the fleur-de-
tys, which denotes the north point, does not point directly to the
north, but that it turns to the left hand." He adds that this variation
had never been observed by anyone up to that time, and that it
caused much astonishment. (Dec. I, Lib. i,cap. ix.)
2 Garjao. 3 Rabo de junco.
■
24 VARIATION OF THE COMPASS.
flame of fire,1 at a distance of about 4 or 5 leagues from
them.
Sunday, 1 6th of September.
That day and night they steered their course west, mak-
ing 39 leagues, but the Admiral only counted ^6. There
were some clouds and small rain. The Admiral says that
on that day, and ever afterwards, they met with very tem-
perate breezes, so that there was great pleasure in enjoy-
ing the mornings, nothing being wanted but the song of
nightingales. He says that the weather was like April in
Andalusia. Here they began to see many tufts of grass
which were very green, and appeared to have been quite
recently torn from the land. From this they judged that
they were near some island, but not the main land, accord-
ing to the Admiral, " because", as he says, " I make the
main land to be more distant".
Monday, ijth of September.
They proceeded on their west course, and made over
50 leagues in the day and night, but the Admiral only
counted 47. They were aided by the current. They saw
much very fine grass and herbs from rocks, which came
from the west. They, therefore, considered that they
were near land. The pilots observed the north point, and
found that the needles turned a full point to the west of
north. So the mariners were alarmed and dejected, and
did not give their reason. But the Admiral knew, and
ordered that the north should be again observed at dawn.
They then found that the needles were true. The cause
was that the star makes the movement, and not the needles."2
1 " Ramo" in the Journal. Herrera has '' Llama de fuego".
2 The ingenious Columbus, who was the first observer of variation,
succeeded in allaying the fears of his people, by explaining, in a
LOVELY WEATHER. 25
At dawn, on that Monday, they saw much more weed
appearing, like herbs from rivers, in which they found a
live crab, which the Admiral kept. He says that these
crabs are certain signs of land. The sea-water was found
to be less salt than it had been since leaving the Canaries.
The breezes were always soft. Everyone was pleased, and
the best sailers went ahead to sight the first land. They
saw many tunny-fish, and the crew of the Nina killed one.
The Admiral here says that these signs of land came from
the west, " in which direction I trust in that high God in
whose hands are all victories that very soon we shall sight
land". In that morning he says that a white bird was seen
which has not the habit of sleeping on the sea, called rabo
de junco (boatswain-bird).
Tuesday, 1 8t/i of September.
This day and night they made over 55 leagues, the
Admiral only counting 48. In all these days the sea was
very smooth, like the river at Seville. This day Martin
Alonso, with the Pinta, which was a fast sailer, did not
wait, for he said to the Admiral, from his caravel, that he
had seen a great multitude of birds flying westward, that
he hoped to see land that night, and that he therefore
specious manner, the cause of the phenomenon. The surprise and
anxiety of the pilots and sailors are decisive proofs that no one had
observed until then the variation of the needle. — N.
Columbus had crossed the point of no variation, which was then
near the meridian of Flores, in the Azores, and found the variation no
longer easterly, but more than a point westerly. His explanation that
the pole-star, by means of which the change was detected, was not
itself stationary, is very plausible. For the pole-star really does
describe a circle round the pole of the earth, equal in diameter to
about six times that of the sun ; but this not equal to the change
observed in the direction of the needle.
20 INDICATIONS OF LAND.
pressed onward. A great cloud appeared in the north,
which is a sign of the proximity of land.1
Wednesday, yjjth of September.
The Admiral continued on his course, and during the
day and night he made but 25 leagues because it was calm.
He counted 22. This day, at 10 o'clock, a booby2 came to
the ship, and in the afternoon another arrived, these birds
not generally going more than 20 leagues from the land.
There was also some drizzling rain without wind, which is a
sure sign of land. The Admiral did not wish to cause
delay by beating to windward to ascertain whether land was
near, but he considered it certain that there were islands
both to the north and south of his position, (as indeed there
were, and he was passing through the middle of them3).
For his desire was to press onwards to the Indies, the
weather being fine. For on his return, God willing, he
could see all. These are his own words. Here the pilots
found their positions. He of the Nina made the Canaries
440 leagues distant, the Pinta 420. The pilot of the
Admiral's ship made the distance exactly 400 leagues.4
Thursday, 20th of September.
This day the course was W. b. N., and as her head was
all round the compass owing to the calm that prevailed,
the ships made only 7 or 8 leagues. Two boobies came to
the ship, and afterwards another, a sign of the proximity
of land. They saw much weed, although none was seen
1 For eleven days they had not had to trim sails so much as a
pal inn, the wind always aft, the Admiral constantly noting' everything,
and proceeding carefully with astrolabe and sounding-lead. (Herrera,
Dec. I, Lib. 1, cap. ix.)
2 Alcatraz. 3 Interpolation by Las Casas.
4 The distance of the Admiral's pilot is exact. — N.
SARGASSO SEA. 27
on the previous day. They caught a bird with the hand,
which was like a tern.1 But it was a river-bird, not a sea-
bird, the feet being like those of a gull. At dawn two
or three land-birds came singing to the ship, and they
disappeared before sunset. Afterwards a booby came
from W.N.W., and flew to the S.W., which was a sign
that it left land in the W.N.W. ; for these birds sleep
on shore, and go to sea in the mornings in search of food,
not extending their flight more than 20 leagues from the
land.
Friday, 21st of September.
Most of the day it was calm, and later there was a little
wind. During the day and night they did not make good
more than 13 leagues. At dawn they saw so much weed
that the sea appeared to be covered with it, and it came
from the west. A booby was seen. The sea was very
smooth, like a river, and the air the best in the world.
They saw a whale, which is a sign that they were near
land, because they always keep near the shore.
Saturday, 22nd of September.
They shaped a course W.N.W. more or less, her head
turning from one to the other point, and made 30 leagues.
Scarcely any weed was seen. They saw some sandpipers
and another bird. Here the Admiral says : " This con-
trary wind was very necessary for me, because my people
were much excited at the thought that in these seas no
wind ever blew in the direction of Spain." Part of the
day there was no weed, and later it was very thick.
Sunday, 23rd of September.
They shaped a course N.W., and at times more northerly;
occasionally they were on their course, which was west,
1 Garjao.
28 THE TOSCANELLI CHART.
and they made about 22 leagues. They saw a dove
and a booby, another river-bird, and some white birds.
There was a great deal of weed, and they found crabs in
it. The sea being smooth and calm, the crew began to
murmur, saying that here there was no great sea, and that
the wind would never blow so that they could return to
Spain. Afterwards the sea rose very much, without wind,
which astonished them. The Admiral here says : " Thus
the high sea was very necessary to me, such as had not
appeared but in the time of the Jews when they went out
of Egypt and murmured against Moses, who delivered
them out of captivity."
Monday, 24/// of September.
The Admiral went on his west course all day and night,
making 14 leagues. He counted 12. A booby came to
the ship, and many sandpipers.
Tuesday, 2$t/i of September.
This day began with a calm, and afterwards there was
wind. They were on their west course until night. The
Admiral conversed with Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of
the other caravel Pinta, respecting a chart which he had
sent to the caravel three days before, on which, as it would
appear, the Admiral had certain islands depicted in that
sea.1 Martin Alonso said that the ships were in the posi-
1 This chart, drawn for the Admiral, must have been that which
Paulo Toscanelli, the celebrated Florentine astronomer, sent to Lisbon
in 1474. It included from the north of Ireland to the end of Guinea,
with all the islands situated on that route ; and towards the west it
showed the beginning of the Indies, and the islands and places whither
they were proceeding. Colon saw this chart and read the accounts of
travellers, especially Marco Polo, which confirmed him in the idea
of finding India by the west, though it had hitherto always been
approached by the east. The situations of coasts and islands fixed on
FALSE ALARM OF LAND. 29
tion on which the islands were placed, and the Admiral
replied that so it appeared to him : but it might be that
they had not fallen in with them, owing to the currents
which had always set the ships to the N.E., and that they
had not made so much as the pilots reported. The
Admiral then asked for the chart to be returned, and it
was sent back on a line. The Admiral then began to plot
the position on it, with the pilot and mariners. At sunset
Martin Alonso went up on the poop of his ship, and with
much joy called to the Admiral, claiming the reward as he
had sighted land. When the Admiral heard this positively
declared, he says that he gave thanks to the Lord on his
knees, while Martin Alonso said the Gloria in excelsis with
his people. The Admiral's crew did the same. Those of
the Nina all went up on the mast and into the rigging, and
declared that it was land. It so seemed to the Admiral,
and that it was distant 25 leagues. They all continued to
declare it was land until night. The Admiral ordered the
course to be altered from W. to S.W., in which direction
the land had appeared. That day they made 4 leagues
on a west course, and 17 S.W. during the night, in all 21 ;
but the people were told that 13 was the distance made
good : for it was always feigned to them that the distances
were less, so that the voyage might not appear so long.
Thus two reckonings were kept on this voyage, the shorter
being feigned, and the longer being the true one. The sea
was very smooth, so that many sailors bathed alongside.
They saw many dorados and other fish.
such vague information must have been very inaccurate, as they were I
on the globe of Martin Behaim, constructed in 1492. — N.
Mr. Harrissehas translated the words segun parece tenia pintadas el
Almirante ciertas islas, " in which the Admiral seemed to have painted
certain islands," and assumes that the Admiral had painted the islands
himself. But I think the correct rendering of the passage is that the
Admiral had a chart with certain islands depicted on it. (See Dis-
covery of North America, p. 401.)
30 HABITS OF THE MAN-O'-WAR BIRD.
Wednesday, 26th of September.
The Admiral continued on the west course until after
noon. Then he altered course to S.W., until he made out
that what had been said to be land was only clouds. Day
and night they made 31 leagues, counting 24 for the people.
The sea was like a river, the air pleasant and very mild.
Thursday, 27 th of September.
The course west, and distance made good during day
and night 24 leagues, 20 being counted for the people.
Many dorados came. One was killed. A boatswain-bird
came.
Friday, 2St/i of September.
The course was west, and the distance, owing to calms,
only 14 leagues in day and night, 13 leagues being counted.
They met with little weed ; but caught two dorados, and
more in the other ships.
Saturday, 2gth of September.
The course was west, and they made 24 leagues, count-
ing 21 for the people. Owing to calms, the distance made
good during day and night was not much. They saw a
bird called rabiforcado (man-o'-war bird), which makes the
boobies vomit what they have swallowed, and eats it,
maintaining itself on nothing else. It is a sea-bird, but
does not sleep on the sea, and does not go more than
20 leagues from the land. There are many of them at the
Cape Verde Islands. Afterwards they saw two boobies.
The air was very mild and agreeable, and the Admiral
says that nothing was wanting but to hear the nightingale.
The sea smooth as a river. Later, three boobies and a
man-o'-war bird were seen three times. There was much
weed.
MORE ABOUT VARIATION. 3 1
Sunday, ysth of September.
The western course was steered, and during the day and
night, owing to calms, only 14 leagues were made, 1 1 being
counted. Four boatswain-birds came to the ship, which is
a great sign of land, for so many birds of this kind together
is a sign that they are not straying or lost. They also
twice saw four boobies. There was much weed. Note that
the stars which are called las guardiãs (the Pointers), when
night comes on, are near the western point, and when
dawn breaks they are near the N.E. point ; so that, during
the whole night, they do not appear to move more than
three lines or 9 hours, and this on each night. The
Admiral says this, and also that at nightfall the needles
vary a point westerly, while at dawn they agree exactly
with the star. From this it would appear that the north
star has a movement like the other stars, while the needles
always point correctly.
Monday, 1st of October.
Course west, and 25 leagues made good, counted for the
crew as 20 leagues. There was a heavy shower of rain.
At dawn the Admiral's pilot made the distance from
Hierro 5781 leagues to the west. The reduced reckoning
which the Admiral showed to the crew made it 584 leagues ;
but the truth which the Admiral observed and kept secret
was 707.
Tuesday, 2nd of October.
Course west, and during the day and night 39 leagues
were made good, counted for the crew as 30. The sea
always smooth. Many thanks be given to God, says the
Admiral, that the weed is coming from east to west, con-
1 Herrera says 588.
32 BIRDS AND FLYING FISH.
trary to its usual course. Many fish were seen, and one
was killed. A white bird was also seen that appeared to
be a gull.
Wednesday, yd of October.
They navigated on the usual course, and made good
47 leagues, counted as 40. Sandpipers appeared, and
much weed, some of it very old and some quite fresh and
having fruit. They saw no birds. The Admiral, there-
fore, thought that they had left the islands behind them
which were depicted on the charts. The Admiral here
says that he did not wish to keep the ships beating about
during the last week, and in the last few days when there
were so many signs of land, although he had information
of certain islands in this region. For he wished to avoid
delay, his object being to reach the Indies. He says that
to delay would not be wise.
Thursday, ^tJi of October.
Course west, and 63 leagues made good during the day
and night, counted as 46. More than forty sandpipers
came to the ship in a flock, and two boobies, and a ship's
boy hit one with a stone. There also came a man-o'-\var
bird and a white bird like a gull.
Friday \ $t/i of October.
The Admiral steered his course, going 1 1 miles an hour,
and during the day and night they made good 57 leagues,
as the wind increased somewhat during the night : 45 were
counted. The sea was smooth and quiet. " To God", he
says, " be many thanks given, the air being pleasant and
temperate, with no weed, many sandpipers, and flying-fish
coming on the deck in numbers."
SIGNS OF LAND. 33
Saturday, 6th of October.
The Admiral continued his west course, and during day
and night they made good 40 leagues, 33 being counted.
This night Martin Alonso said that it would be well to
steer south of west, and it appeared to the Admiral that
Martin Alonso did not say this with respect to the island
of Cipango. He saw that if an error was made the land
would not be reached so quickly, and that consequently
it would be better to go at once to the continent and
afterwards to the islands.
Sunday, yih of October.
The west course was continued ; for two hours they went
at the rate of 12 miles an hour, and afterwards 8 miles an
hour. They made good 23 leagues, counting 18 for the
people. This day, at sunrise, the caravel Nina, which
went ahead, being the best sailer, and pushed forward as
much as possible to sight the land first, so as to enjoy the
reward which the Sovereigns had promised to whoever
should see it first, hoisted a flag at the mast-head and fired
a gun, as a signal that she had sighted land, for such was
the Admiral's order. He had also ordered that, at sunrise
and sunset, all the ships should join him ; because those
two times are most proper for seeing the greatest distance,
the haze clearing away. No land was seen during the
afternoon, as reported by the caravel Nina, and they passed
a great number of birds flying from N. to SAV. This gave
rise to the belief that the birds were either going to sleep
on land, or were flying from the winter which might be
supposed to be near in the land whence they were coming
The Admiral was aware that most of the islands held
the Portuguese were discovered by the flight of birds.
For this reason he resolved to give up the west course, and
to shape a course W.S.W. for the two following days. He
D
34 DISCONTENT OF THE SAILORS.
began the new course one hour before sunset. They made
good, during the night, about 5 leagues, and 23 in the day,
altogether 28 leagues.
Monday, 8t/t of October.
The course was W.S.W., and \\\ or 12 leagues were
made good in the day and night ; and at times it appears
that they went at the rate of 15 miles an hour during the
night (if the handwriting is not deceptive).1 The sea was
like the river at Seville. " Thanks be to God", says the
Admiral, " the air is very soft like the April at Seville ;
and it is a pleasure to be here, so balmy are the breezes."
The weed seemed to be very fresh. There were many
land-birds, and they took one that was flying to the S.W.
Terns, ducks, and a booby were also seen.
Tuesday, gt/i of October.
The course was S.W., and they made 5 leagues. .The
wind then changed, and the Admiral steered W. by X.
4 leagues. Altogether, in day and night, they made
1 1 leagues by day and 20J leagues by night ; counted as
17 leagues altogether. Throughout the night birds were
heard passing.
Wednesday, iot/1 of October.
The course was W.S.W., and they went at the rate of
10 miles an hour, occasionally 12 miles, and sometimes 7.
During the day and night they made 59 leagues, counted
as no more than 44. Here the people could endure no
longer. They complained of the length of the voyage.
But the Admiral cheered them up in the best way he could,
giving them good hopes of the advantages they might
gain from it. He added that, however much they might
1 The parenthesis is by Las Casas. These miles were four to a
league (see note 2, p. 18); so that fifteen miles would not really be
quite ten geographical miles an hour.
LAND SIGHTED. 35
complain, he had to go to the Indies, and that he would
go on until he found them, with the help of our Lord.
Thursday, nt/i of October.
The course was W.S.W., and there was more sea than
there had been during the whole of the voyage. They saw
sandpipers, and a green reed near the ship. Those of the
caravel Pinta saw a cane and a pole, and they took up
another small pole which appeared to have been worked
with iron ; also another bit of cane, a land-plant, and a
small board. The crew of the caravel Nina also saw signs
of land, and a small branch covered with berries. Every-
one breathed afresh and rejoiced at these signs. The run
until sunset was 26 leagues.
After sunset the Admiral returned to his original west
course, and they went along at the rate of 12 miles an
hour. Up to two hours after midnight they had gone
90 miles, equal to 22 \ leagues. As the caravel Pinta was
a better sailer, and went ahead of the Admiral, she found
the land, and made the signals ordered by the Admiral.
The land was first seen by a sailor named Rodrigo de
Triana.1 But the Admiral, at ten in the previous night,
being on the castle of the poop, saw a light, though it was
so uncertain that he could not affirm it was land. He
called Pero Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King's bed-
chamber, and said that there seemed to be a light, and
that he should look at it. He did so, and saw it.2 The
1 It was full moon on October 5th. On the night of the 11th the
moon rose at 1 1 p.m., and at 2 a.m. on the morning of the 12th it was
39o above the horizon. It would be shining brightly on the sandy
shores of an island some miles ahead, being in its third quarter, and a
little behind Rodrigo de Triana, when he sighted land at 2 A.M.
2 Oviedo says that, after the Admiral and Gutierrez saw the light, a
sailor from Lepe called out from the forecastle that there was a light.
He was told by Salcedo, the Admiral's servant, that it had already
been seen. Oviedo adds that this man from Lepe was so disgusted
D 2
36 THE LAND SIGHTED.
Admiral said the same to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia,
whom the King and Queen had sent with the fleet as
inspector, but he could see nothing, because he was not in a
place whence anything could be seen. After the Admiral
had spoken he saw the light once or twice, and it was like
a wax candle rising and falling. It seemed to few to be
an indication of land ; but the Admiral made certain that
land was close. When they said the Salve, which all the
sailors were accustomed to sing in their way, the Admiral
asked and admonished the men to keep a good look-out on
the forecastle, and to watch well for land ; and to him
who should first cry out that he saw land, he would give a
silk doublet, besides the other rewards promised by the
Sovereigns, which were 10,000 maravedis to him who
should first see it.1 At two hours after midnight the land
was sighted at a distance of two leagues. They shortened
sail, and lay by under the mainsail without the bonnets.
The vessels were hove to, waiting for daylight ; and on
Friday they arrived at a small island of the Lucayos, called,
in the language of the Indians, Guanahani? Presently
at not getting the reward, that he went to Africa and became a
renegade. {Oi'iedo, Lib. II, cap. v.)
Oviedo derived his information from the gossip of Vicente Vanez
Pinzon and Hernan Perez Matheos. The latter is not in any of the
lists of those who served in the expedition. Oviedo knew him as a
pilot at St. Domingo, and he certainly alleged that he was with the
Admiral in his first voyage.
Fernando Columbus, in the Vita del Ammiraglid, described the
light as like a candle that went up and down, as if people on shore
wt re passing with it from one house to another (cap. xxi). See also
Herrera {Dec. /, Lib. 1, cap. xii).
1 The pension of 10,000 maravedis was secured on the dues derived
from the shambles at Seville. The Sovereigns awarded it to the
Admiral, because the light seen first by him was believed to have been
on land. {Herrera.)
2 Watling Island, S.E. point in Lat. 23o 55' S., Long. 74o 28' W. It
was named San Salvador by Columbus (See Letter to San tangei,
.Major's translation, p. 2.)
LANDING OF THE ADMIRAL. Z7
they saw naked people. The Admiral went on shore in
the armed boat, and Martin Alonso Pinzon, and Vicente
Yanez, his brother, who was captain of the Nina. The
Admiral took the royal standard, and the captains went with
two banners of the green cross, which the Admiral took in
all the ships as a sign, with an F and a Y1 and a crown over
each letter, one on one side of the cross and the other on
the other. Having landed, they saw trees very green, and
much water, and fruits of diverse kinds. The Admiral
called to the two captains, and to the others who leaped
on shore, and to Rodrigo Escovedo, secretary of the whole
fleet, and to Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia,'2 and said that
they should bear faithful testimony that he, in presence of
all, had taken, as he now took, possession of the said island
for the King and for the Queen, his Lords making the
declarations that are required, as is more largely set forth
in the testimonies which were then made in writing.
Presently many inhabitants of the island assembled.
What follows is in the actual words of the Admiral in his
book of the first navigation and discovery of the Indies.
"I," he says, "that we might form great friendship, for I
knew that they were a people who could be more easily
freed and converted to our holy faith by love than by
force, gave to some of them red caps, and glass beads to
put round their necks, and many other things of little
value, which gave them great pleasure, and made them so
much our friends that it was a marvel to see. They after-
wards came to the ship's boats where we were, swimming
and bringing us parrots, cotton threads in skeins, darts,
and many other things ; and we exchanged them for
other things that we gave them, such as glass beads and
small bells. In fine, they took all, and gave what they had
with good will. It appeared to me to be a race of people
1 Fernando and Ysabel. - The royal in-uector.
38 ACCOUNT OF THE NATIVES
very poor in everything. They go as naked as when their
mothers bore them, and so do the women, although I did
not see more than one young girl. All I saw were youths,
none more than thirty years of age. They are very well
made, with very handsome bodies, and very good coun-
tenances. Their hair is short and coarse, almost like the
hairs of a horse's tail. They wear the hairs brought down
to the eyebrows, except a few locks behind, which they
wear long and never cut. They paint themselves black,
and they are the colour of the Canarians, neither black
nor white. Some paint themselves white, others red, and
others of what colour they find. Some paint their faces,
others the whole bod}-, some only round the eyes, others
only on the nose. They neither carry nor know anything
of arms, for I showed them swords, and they took them by
the blade and cut themselves through ignorance. They
have no iron, their darts being wands without iron, some
of them having a fish's tooth at the end, and others being
pointed in various ways. The)' are all of fair stature and
size, with good faces, and well made. I saw some with
marks of wounds on their bodies, and I made signs to ask
what it was, and they gave me to understand that people
from other adjacent islands came with the intention of
seizing them, and that they defended themselves. I be-
lieved, and still believe, that they come here from the main-
land to take them prisoners. They should be good ser-
vants and intelligent, for I observed that they quickly took
in what was said to them, and I believe that they would
easily be made Christians, as it appeared to me that they
had no religion. I, our Lord being pleased, will take
hence, at the time of my departure, six natives for your
Highnesses, that they may learn to speak. I saw no beast
of any kind except parrots, on this island." The above is
in the words of the Admiral.
OF THE ISLAND OF GUANAHANI. 39
Saturday, 1 3/// of October.
" As soon as dawn broke many of these people came to
the beach, all youths, as I have said, and all of good
stature, a very handsome people. Their hair is not curly,
but loose and coarse, like horse hair. In all the forehead
is broad, more so than in any other people I have hitherto
seen. Their eyes are very beautiful and not small, and
themselves far from black, but the colour of the Canarians.
Nor should anything else be expected, as this island is in
a line east and west from the island of Hierro in the
Canaries. Their legs are very straight, all in one line,1 and
no belly, but very well formed. They came to the ship in
small canoes, made out of the trunk of a tree like a long
boat, and all of one piece, and wonderfully worked, consider-
ing the country. They are large, some of them holding 40
to 45 men, others smaller, and some only large enough to
hold one man. They are propelled with a paddle like a
baker's shovel, and go at a marvellous rate. If the canoe
capsizes they all promptly begin to swim, and to bale it
out with calabashes that they take with them. They
brought skeins of cotton thread, parrots, darts, and other
small things which it would be tedious to recount, and they
give all in exchange for anything that may be given to
them. I was attentive, and took trouble to ascertain if
there was gold. I saw that some of them had a small
piece fastened in a hole they have in the nose, and by signs
I was able to make out that to the south, or going from
the island to the south, there was a king who had great
cups full, and who possessed a great quantity. I tried to
get them to go there, but afterwards I saw that they had
no inclination. I resolved to wait until to-morrow in the
afternoon and then to depart, shaping a course to the S.W.,
1 " Todos a una mano,"
4-0 NATIVES OF GUANAHANI.
for, according to what many of them told me, there was
land to the S., to the S.W., and N.W., and that the natives
from the N.W. often came to attack them, and went on to
the S.W. in search of gold and precious stones.
" This island is rather large and very flat, with bright
green trees, much water, and a very large lake in the
centre, without any mountain, and the whole land so green
that it is a pleasure to look on it. The people are very
docile, and for the longing to possess our things, and not
having anything to give in return, they take what they can
get, and presently swim away. Still, they give away all
they have got, for whatever may be given to them, down
to broken bits of crockery and glass. I saw one give 16
skeins of cotton for three ceotis1 of Portugal, equal to one
blanca of Spain, the skeins being as much as an arroba of
coti'on thread. I shall keep it, and shall allow no one to
take it, preserving it all for your Highnesses, for it may be
obtained in abundance. It is grown in this island, though
the short time did not admit of my ascertaining this for
a certainty. Here also is found the gold they wear fastened in
their noses. But, in order not to lose time, I intend to go
and see if I can find the island of Cipango.'2 Now, as it is
night, all the natives have gone on shore with their canoes."
Sunday, \\tJi of October.
" At dawn I ordered the ship's boat and the boats of the
caravels to be got ready, and I went along the coast of the
1 For ceuti, a coin current at Ceuta, then belonging to Portugal.
— N.
2 Toscanelli said, in his letter, that Cipango was an island 225
leagues from Antilla, and that it so abounded in gems and gold that
the temples and palaces were covered with golden plates. Marco
Polo describes it (Hook ill, cap. ii), and also says that the quantity of
gold is endless, that the palace is roofed with gold, and that pearls are
abundant. Chipangu is derived from Zhi-pan, the Chinese form of
Japan. ( Yuie, ii, p. 238.)
EXPLORING GUANAHANI. 41
island to the N.N.E., to see the other side, which was on
the other side to the east, and also to see the villages.
Presently I saw two or three, and the people all came to
the shore, calling out and giving thanks to God. Some of
them brought us water, others came with food, and when
they saw that I did not want to land, they got into the
sea, and came swimming to us. We understood that they
asked us if we had come from heaven. One old man
came into the boat, and others cried out, in loud voices, to
all the men and women, to come and see the men who
had come from heaven, and to bring them to eat and
drink. Many came, including women, each bringing some-
thing, giving thanks to God, throwing themselves on the
ground and shouting to us to come on shore. But I was
afraid to land, seeing an extensive reef of rocks which
surrounded the island, with deep water between it and the
shore forming a port large enough for as many ships as
there are in Christendom, but with a very narrow entrance.
It is true that within this reef there are some sunken
rocks, but the sea has no more motion than the water in
a well. In order to see all this I went this morning, that
I might be able to give a full account to your Highnesses,
and also where a fortress might be established. I saw
a piece of land which appeared like an island, although it
is not one, and on it there were six houses. It might be
converted into an island in two days, though I do not see
that it would be necessary, for these people are very simple
as regards the use of arms, as your Highnesses will see from
the seven that I caused to be taken, to bring home and
learn our language and return; unless your Highnesses
should order them all to be brought to Castille, or to be
kept as captives on the same island ; for with fifty men
they can all be subjugated and made to do what is required
of them. Close to the above peninsula there are gardens
of the most beautiful trees I ever saw, and with leaves as
42 SANTA MARIA DE LA CONCEPCION.
green as those of Castille in the month of April and May,
and much water. I examined all that port, and after-
wards I returned to the ship and made sail. I saw so
many islands1 that I hardly knew how to determine to
which I should go first. Those natives I had with me
said, by signs, that there were so many that they couid not
be numbered, and they gave the names of more than
a hundred. At last I looked out for the largest, and
resolved to shape a course for it, and so I did. It will be
distant five leagues from this of San Salvador, and the
others some more, some less. All are very flat, and all are
inhabited. The natives make war on each other, although
these are very simple-minded and handsomely-formed
people."
Monday, 15/// of October.
" I had laid by during the night, with the fear of reach-
ing the land to anchor before daylight, not knowing whether
the coast was clear of rocks, and at dawn I made sail. As
the island was more than 5 leagues distant and nearer 7,
and the tide checked my way, it was noon when we
arrived at the said island. I found that side facing towards
the island of San Salvador trended north and south with
a length of 5 leagues,2 and the other which I followed ran
east and west for more than 10 leagues.2 As from this
island I saw another larger one to the west, I clued up the
sails, after having run all that day until night, otherwise
I could not have reached the western cape. I gave the
name of Santa Maria dc la Conception* to the island, and
almost as the sun set I anchored near the said cape
to ascertain if it contained gold. For the people I had
1 Deceptive appearance of clouds on the horizon.
2 A misprint for miles. This is a mistake which the transcriber has
made in several other places.
3 Island of Rum Cay. See Letter to Santangel, p. 2.
CANOES AND NATIVES. 43
taken from the island of San Salvador told me that
here they wore very large rings of gold on their arms and
legs. I really believed that all they said was nonsense,
invented that they might escape. My desire was not to
pass any island without taking possession, so that, one
having been taken, the same may be said of all. I anchored,
and remained until to-day, Tuesday, when I went to the
shore with the boats armed, and landed. The people, who
were numerous, went naked, and were like those of the
other island of San Salvador. They let us go over the
island, and gave us what we required. As the wind
changed to the S.E., I did not like to stay, and returned to
the ship. A large canoe was alongside the Nina, and one
of the men of the island of San Salvador, who was on
board, jumped into the sea and got into the canoe. In
the middle of the night before, another swam away behind
the canoe, which fled,1 for there never was boat that could
have overtaken her, seeing that in speed they have a great
advantage. So they reached the land and left the canoe.
Some of my people went on shore in chase of them, but
they all fled like fowls, and the canoe they had left was
brought alongside the caravel Nina, whither, from another
direction, another small canoe came, with a man who
wished to barter with skeins of cotton. Some sailors
jumped into the sea, because he would not come on board
the caravel, and seized him. I was on the poop of my
ship, and saw everything. So I sent for the man, gave
him a red cap, some small beads of green glass, which
I put on his arms, and small bells, which I put in his ears,
and ordered his canoe, which was also on board, to be
returned to him. I sent him on shore, and presently
made sail to go to the other large island which was in
sight to the westward. I also ordered the other large
1 This is a doubtful sentence, with a word omitted.
44 VOYAGE TO FERNANDINA.
canoe, which the caravel Nina was towing astern, to be
cast adrift ; and I soon saw that it reached the land at the
same time as the man to whom I had given the above
things. I had not wished to take the skein of cotton that
he offered me. All the others came round him and seemed
astonished, for it appeared clear to them that we were
good people. The other man who had fled might do us
some harm, because we had carried him off, and for that
reason I ordered this man to be set free and gave him the
above things, that he might think well of us, otherwise,
when your Highnesses again send an expedition, they
might not be friendly. All the presents I gave were not
worth four maravedis. At 10 we departed with the wind
S.W., and made for the south, to reach that other island,
which is very large, and respecting which all the men that
I bring from San Salvador make signs that there is much
gold, and that they wear it as bracelets on the arms, on
the legs, in the ears and nose, and round the neck. The
distance of this island from that of Santa Maria is 9 leagues
on a course east to west. All this part of the island trends
NAY. and S.E., and it appeared that this coast must have
a length of 28 leagues. It is very flat, without any moun-
tain, like San Salvador and Santa Maria, all being beach
without rocks, except that there are some sunken rocks
near the land, whence it is necessary to keep a good look-
out when it is desired to anchor, and not to come to very
near the land ; but the water is always very clear, and the
bottom is visible. At a distance of two shots of a lombard,
there is, off all these islands, such a depth that the bottom
cannot be reached. These islands are very green and
fertile, the climate very mild. They may contain many
things of which I have no knowledge, for I do not wish to
stop, in discovering and visiting many islands, to find gold.
These people make signs that it is worn on the arms and
legs ; and it must be gold, for they point to some pieces
VOYAGE TO FERNANDINA. 45
that I have. I cannot err, with the help of our Lord, in
finding out where this gold has its origin. Being in the
middle of the channel between these two islands, that is to
say, that of Santa Maria and this large one, to which
I give the name of Fernandina} I came upon a man alone
in a canoe going from Santa Maria to Fernandina. He
had a little of their bread, about the size of a fist, a calabash
of water, a piece of brown earth powdered and then kneaded,
and some dried leaves, which must be a thing highly valued
by them, for they bartered with it at San Salvador. He
also had with him a native basket with a string of glass
beads, and two â/ancas,2 by which I knew that he had come
from the island of San Salvador, and had been to Santa
Maria, and thence to Fernandina. He came alongside the
ship, and I made him come on board as he desired, also
getting the canoe inboard, and taking care of all his
property. I ordered him to be given to eat bread and
treacle, and also to drink : and so I shall take him on to
Fernandina, where I shall return everything to him, in
order that he may give a good account of us, that, our
Lord pleasing, when your Highnesses shall send here,
those who come may receive honor, and that the natives
may give them all they require."
Tuesday, 1 6th of October.
" I sailed from the island of Santa Maria de la Concep-
cion at about noon, to go to Fernandina island, which ap-
peared very large to the westward, and I navigated all that
day with light winds. I could not arrive in time to be
able to see the bottom, so as to drop the anchor on a clear
place, for it is necessary to be very careful not to lose the
anchors. So I stood off and on all that night until day,
1 Long Island. See Letter to San tange /, p. 2.
'-' A small piece of money. See p. 40.
46 FERNANDINA.
when I came to an inhabited place where I anchored, and
whence that man had come that I found yesterday in the
canoe in mid channel. He had given such a good report
of us that there was no want of canoes alongside the
ship all that night, which brought us water and what they
had to offer. I ordered each one to be given something,
such as a few beads, ten or twelve of those made of glass
on a thread, some timbrels made of brass such as are worth
a maravedi in Spain, and some straps, all which they
looked upon as most excellent. I also ordered them to
be given treacle to eat when they came on board. At
three o'clock I sent the ship's boat on shore for water, and
the natives with good will showed my people where the
water was, and they themselves brought the full casks
down to the boat, and did all they could to please us.
" This island is very large, and I have determined to
sail round it, because, so far as I can understand, there is a
mine in or near it. The island is eight leagues from Santa
Maria, nearly east and west ; and this point I had reached,
as well as all the coast, trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. I saw
at least 20 leagues of it, and then it had not ended. Now,
as I am writing this, I made sail with the wind at the
south, to sail round the island, and to navigate until I find
Samaot, which is the island or city where there is gold, as
all the natives say who are on board, and as those of San
Salvador and Santa Maria told us. These people resemble
those of the said islands, with the same language and
customs, except that these appear to me a rather more
domestic and tractable people, yet also more subtle. For
I observed that those who brought cotton and other trifles
to the ship, knew better than the others how to make a
bargain.1 In this island I saw cotton cloths made like
1 " Refetar el pagamento." Las Casas has : ' Regatear sobre los
precios y paga (i, 307).
FERNANDINA. 47
mantles. The people were better disposed, and the women
wore in front of their bodies a small piece of cotton which
scarcely covered them.
" It is a very green island, level and very fertile, and I
have no doubt that they sow and gather corn all the year
round, as well as other things. I saw many trees very
unlike those of our country. Many of them have their
branches growing in different ways and all from one trunk,
and one twig is one form, and another in a different shape,
and so unlike that it is the greatest wonder in the world
to see the great diversity ; thus one branch has leaves like
those of a cane, and others like those of a mastick tree :
and on a single tree there are five or six different kinds.
Nor are these grafted, for it may be said that grafting is
unknown, the trees being wild, and untended by these
people. They do not know any religion, and I believe
they could easily be converted to Christianity, for they
are very intelligent. Here the fish are so unlike ours that
it is wonderful. Some are the shape of dories,1 and of the
finest colours in the world, blue, yellow, red, and other
tints, all painted in various ways, and the colours are so
bright that there is not a man who would not be astonished,
and would not take great delight in seeing them. There
are also whales. 1 saw no beasts on the land of any kind,
except parrots and lizards A boy told me that he saw a
large serpent. I saw neither sheep, nor goats, nor any
other quadruped. It is true I have been here a short
time, since noon, yet I could not have failed to see some
if there had been any. I will write respecting the circuit
of this island after I have been round it."
1 Gallos.
48 THE HARBOUR IN FERNANDINA.
Wednesday, I'/th of October.
" At noon I departed from the village off which I was
anchored, and where I took in water, to sail round this
island of Fernandina. The wind was S.W. and South.
My wish was to follow the coast of this island to the S.E.,
from where I was, the whole coast trending N.N.W. and
S.S.E.; because all the Indians I bring with me, and
others, made signs to this southern quarter, as the direction
of the island they call Samoet, where the gold is. Martin
Alonso Pinzon, captain of the caravel Pinta, on board of
which I had three of the Indians, came to me and said that
one of them had given him to understand very positively
that the island might be sailed round much quicker by
shaping a N.N.W. course. I saw that the wind would not
help me to take the course I desired, and that it was fair
for the other, so I made sail to the N.N.W. When I was
two leagues from the cape of the island, I discovered a very
wonderful harbour.1 It has one mouth, or, rather, it may
be said to have two, for there is an islet in the middle.
Both are very narrow, and within it is wide enough for a
hundred ships, if there was depth and a clean bottom, and
the entrance was deep enough. It seemed desirable to
explore it and take soundings, so I anchored outside, and
went in with all the ship's boats, when we saw there was
insufficient depth. As I thought, when I first saw it, that
it was the mouth of some river, I ordered the water-casks
to be brought. On shore I found eight or ten men, who
presently came to us and showed us the village, whither I
sent the people for water, some with arms, and others with
the casks : and, as it was some little distance, I waited two
hours for them.
1 Port Clarence, in Long Island.
HAMMOCKS. 49
" During that time I walked among- the trees, which was
the most beautiful thing I had ever seen, beholding as
much verdure as in the month of May in Andalusia. The
trees are as unlike ours as night from day, as arc the fruits,
the herbs, the stones, and everything. It is true that some
of the trees bore some resemblance to those in Castille,
but most of them are very different, and some were so
unlike that no one could compare them to anything in
Castille. The people were all like those already mentioned :
like them naked, and the same size. They give what they
possess in exchange for anything that may be given to
them. I here saw some of the ship's boys bartering
broken bits of glass and crockery for darts. The men
who went for water told me that they had been in the
houses of the natives, and that they were very plain and
clean inside. Their beds and bags for holding things1
were like nets of cotton.'2 The houses are like booths, and
1 " Paramentos de cosas." Las Casas has : " Paramentos de casa"
(i, 3io).
2 Hammocks. In Espahola they were called Hamacas. Las Casas
describes them as " made in loops, not woven like nets, the threads
crossed, but the threads loose in their lengths, so that the fingers and
hands can be put between them, and from palmo to palmo (8.3 in.), a
little more or less, then fastened to other twisted threads, like the very
well-worked nets which are made at Seville of esparto grass, for har-
ness. These hamacas are the length of a man, and at the ends the
same threads are formed into numerous loops. Into each loop they
pass very fine cords of another material, stronger than cotton, such as
rushes, and these are each a brazo (6 ft.) long, and the ends are all
united in a knot at each end ; the hamaca being hung by these knots
to the posts of the houses. Thus the hamaca remains slung in the air.
The best are 3 or 4 yards in width, and they open them when they get
in, as we open a sling that is very large. They lie across it, and are
thus on the hamaca, with which they cover themselves, and as it is
never in the least cold, this suffices" (i, p. 310). Herrera says that
their beds consisted of a net fastened from one post to another which
they call Amacas. {Dec. /, Lib. 1, cap. xiii.)
E
50 THE COURSE ALTERED.
very high, with good chimneys.1 But, among many vil-
lages that I saw, there was none that consisted of more
than from twelve to fifteen houses. Here they found that
the married women wore clouts of cotton, but not the
young girls, except a few who were over eighteen years of
age. They had dogs,'2 mastiffs and hounds3; and here
they found a man who had a piece of gold in his nose, the
size of half a castellano, on which they saw letters. I
quarrelled with these people because they would not
exchange or give what was required ; as I wished to see
what and whose this money was ; and they replied that
they were not accustomed to barter.
" After the water was taken I returned to the ship, made
sail, and shaped a course N.W., until I had discovered all
the part of the coast of the island which trends east to
west. Then all the Indians turned round and said that
this island was smaller than Samoet, and that it would be
well to return back so as to reach it sooner. The wind
presently went down, and then sprang up from W.N.W.,
which was contrary for us to continue on the previous
course. So I turned back, and navigated all that night
to E.S.E., sometimes to east and to S.E. This course was
steered to keep me clear of the land, for there were very
heavy clouds and thick weather, which did not admit of
my approaching the land to anchor. On that night it
rained very heavily from midnight until nearly dawn, and
even afterwards the clouds threatened rain. We found
ourselves at the S.W. end of the island, where I hoped to
1 These were ornamental points with which the roofs terminated.
{Las Casas.)
2 Columbus did not see these dogs, but only heard of them from his
men. Las Casas tells us that they were a kind of dog that never
barks (i, p. 311). Herrera says: " Yieronse tambien algunos pernios
mudos pequenos."
3 BracheteS) in English brack. {King Lear, Act I, Sc. 4.)
ISLAND OF ISABELLA. 5 I
anchor until it cleared up, so as to see the other island
whither I have to go. On all these days, since I arrived in
these Indies, it has rained more or less. Your Highnesses
may believe that this land is the best and most fertile, and
with a good climate, level, and as good as there is in the
world."
Thursday, I 8t/i of October.
" After it had cleared up I went before the wind,
approaching the island as near as I could, and anchored
when it was no longer light enough to keep under sail.
But I did not go on shore, and made sail at dawn "
Friday, igt/i of October.
" I weighed the anchors at daylight, sending the caravel
Pinta on an E.S.E. course, the caravel Nina S.S.E., while I
shaped a S.E. course, giving orders that these courses were
to be steered until noon, and that then the two caravels
should alter course so as to join company with me. Before
we had sailed for three hours we saw an island to the east,
for which we steered, and all three vessels arrived at the
north point before noon. Here there is an islet,1 and a reef
of rocks to seaward of it, besides one between the islet and
the large island. The men of San Salvador, whom I bring
with me, called it Saoniete,and I gave it the name of Isabella?
The wind was north, and the said islet bore from the island
of Fernandina, whence I had taken my departure, east
and west. Afterwards we ran along the coast of the island,
westward from the islet, and found its length to be
12 leagues as far as a cape, which I named Cabo Hervioso,
at the western end. The island is beautiful, and the coast
very deep, without sunken rocks off it. Outside the shore
1 Bird Rock.
2 Crooked Island. See Letter to Santangel, p. 2.
E 2
52 BEAUTY OF THE SCENERY.
is rocky, but further in there is a sandy beach, and here I
anchored on that Friday night until morning. This coast
and the part of the island I saw is almost fiat, and the
island is very beautiful ; for if the other islands are lovely,
this is more so. It has many very green trees, which are
very large. The land is higher than in the other islands,
and in it there are some hills, which cannot be called
mountains ; and it appears that there is much water
inland. From this point to the N.E. the coast makes a
great angle, and there are many thick and extensive groves.
I wanted to go and anchor there, so as to go on shore and
see so much beauty ; but the water was shallow, and we
could only anchor at a distance from the land. The wind
also was fair for going to this cape, where I am now
anchored, to which I gave the name of Cabo Hermoso,
because it is so. Thus it was that I do not anchor in that
angle, but as I saw this cape so green and so beautiful,
like all the other lands of these islands, I scarcely knew
which to visit first ; for I can never tire my eyes in looking
at such lovely vegetation, so different from ours. I believe
that there are many herbs and many trees that are worth
much in Europe for dyes and for medicines ; but I do not
know, and this causes me great sorrow. Arriving at this
cape, I found the smell of the trees and flowers so delicious
that it seemed the pleasantest thing in the world.
To-morrow, before I leave this place, I shall go on shore
to see what there is at this cape. There are no people,
but there are villages in the interior, where, the Indians I
bring with me say, there is a king who has much gold.
To-morrow I intend to go so far inland as to find the
village, and see and have some speech with this king, who,
according to the signs they make, rules over all the neigh-
bouring islands, goes about clothed, and wears much gold
on his person. I do not give much faith to what they say,
as well because I do not understand them as because they
ON THE COAST OF ISABELLA. 53
are so poor in gold that even a little that this king may
have would appear much to them. This cape, to which I
have given the name of Cabo Fermoso, is, I believe, on an
island separated from Saometo, and there is another small
islet between them. I did not try to examine them in
detail, because it could not be done in 50 years. For my
desire is to see and discover as much as I can before
returning to your Highnesses, our Lord willing, in April.
It is true that in the event of finding places where there is
gold or spices in quantity I should stop until I had collected
as much as I could. I, therefore, proceed in the hope of
coming across such places."
Saturday, 20th of October.
" To-day, at sunrise, I weighed the anchors from where
I was with the ship, and anchored off the S.W. point of
the island of Saometo, to which I gave the name of Cabo
de la Laguna, and to the island Isabella. My intention
was to navigate to the north-east and east from the south-
east and south, where, I understood from the Indians I
brought with me, was the village of the king. I found
the sea so shallow that I could not enter nor navigate in
it, and I saw that to follow a route by the south-east would
be a great round. So I determined to return by the
route that I had taken from the N.N.E. to the western
part, and to sail round this island to 1
" I had so little wind that I never could sail along the
coast, except during the night. As it was dangerous to
anchor off these islands except in the day, when one can
see where to let go the anchor : for the bottom is all in
patches, some clear and some rocky : I lay to all this
Sunday night. The caravels anchored because they found
1 Word missing in the manuscript. Navarette suggests " recono-
cerla".— N.
54 EXPEDITION INLAND.
themselves near the shore, and they thought that, owing to
the signals that they were in the habit of making, I would
come to anchor, but I did not wish to do so."
Sunday, 21st of October.
'•' At ten o'clock I arrived here, off this islet,1 and anchored,
as well as the caravels. After breakfast I went on shore,
and found only one house, in which there was no one, and
I supposed they had fled from fear, because all their pro-
perty was left in the house. I would not allow anything
to be touched, but set out with the captains and people
to explore the island. If the others already seen are very
beautiful, green, and fertile, this is much more so, with
large trees and very green. Here there are large lagoons
with wonderful vegetation on their banks. Throughout the
island all is green, and the herbage like April in Andalusia.
The songs of the birds were so pleasant that it seemed as
if a man could never wish to leave the place. The flocks
of parrots concealed the sun ; and the birds were so
numerous, and of so many different kinds, that it was
wonderful. There are trees of a thousand sorts, and all
have their several fruits ; and I feel the most unhappy
man in the world not to know them, for I am well assured
that they are all valuable. I bring home specimens of
them, and also of the land. Thus walking along round
one of the lakes I saw a serpent,2 which we killed, and I
bring home the skin for your Highnesses. As soon as it
saw us it went into the lagoon, and we followed, as the
water was not very deep, until we killed it with lances. It
is 7 palmos long, and I believe that there are many like it
in these lagoons. Here I came upon some aloes, and I
have determined to take ten quintals on board to-morrow,
1 Bird Rock, where he was on the 19th. 2 Iguana.
NATIVES OF ISABELLA. 55
for they tell me that they are worth a good deal. Also,
while in search of good water, we came to a village about
half a league from our anchorage. The people, as soon
as they heard us, all fled and left their houses, hiding
their property in the wood. I would not allow a thing to
be touched, even the value of a pin. Presently some men
among them came to us, and one came quite close. I gave
him some bells and glass beads, which made him very
content and happy. That our friendship might be further
increased, I resolved to ask him for something ; I requested
him to get some water. After I had gone on board, the
natives came to the beach with calabashes full of water,
and they delighted much in giving it to us. I ordered
another string of glass beads to be presented to them, and
they said they would come again to-morrow. I wished to
fill up all the ships with water at this place, and, if there
should be time, I intended to search the island until I had
had speech with the king, and seen whether he had the
gold of which I had heard. I shall then shape a course for
another much larger island, which I believe to be Cipango,
judging from the signs made by the Indians I bring with
me. They call it Cuba, and they say that there are ships
and many skilful sailors there. Beyond this island there
is another called Bosio} which they also say is very large,
and others we shall see as we pass, lying between. Accord-
ing as I obtain tidings of gold or spices I shall settle what
should be done. I am still resolved to go to the main-
land and the city of Guisay,2 and to deliver the letters of
your Highnesses to the Gran Can, requesting a reply and
returning with it"
1 Bohio.— N.
2 A flourishing port of China, mentioned in the letter of Toscanelli,
and more fully described by Marco Polo, who calls it Kinsay (see
p. 8).
56 NATIVES OF ISABELLA.
Monday, 22nd of October.
" All last night and to-day I was here, waiting to see if
the king or other person would bring gold or anything
of value. Many of these people came, like those of the
other islands, equally naked, and equally painted, some
white, some red, some black, and others in many ways.
They brought darts and skeins of cotton to barter, which
they exchanged with the sailors for bits of glass, broken
crockery, and pieces of earthenware. Some of them had
pieces of gold fastened in their noses, which they willingly
gave for a hawk's bell and glass beads. But there was so
little that it counts for nothing. It is true that they looked
upon any little thing that I gave them as a wonder, and
they held our arrival to be a great marvel, believing that
we came from heaven. We got water for the ships from a
lagoon which is near the Cabo del Isleo (Cape of the Islet),
as we named it. In the said lagoon Martin Alonso Pinzon,
captain of the Pinta, killed another serpent 7 palmos long,
like the one we got yesterday. I made them gather here
as much of the aloe as they could find."
Tuesday, 23rd of October.
" I desired to set out to-day for the island of Cuba, which
I think must be Cipango, according to the signs these
people make, indicative of its size and riches, and I did
not delay any more here nor 1 round this island to
the residence of this King or Lord, and have speech with
him, as I had intended. This would cause me much delay,
and I see that there is no gold mine here. To sail round
would need several winds, for it does not blow here as
men may wish. It is better to go where there is great
entertainment, so I say that it is not reasonable to wait,
1 Gap in the MS.
DEPARTURE FROM ISABELLA. 57
but rather to continue the voyage and inspect much land,
until some very profitable country is reached, my belief
being that it will be rich in spices. That I have no per-
sonal knowledge of these products causes me the greatest
sorrow in the world, for I see a thousand kinds of trees,
each one with its own special fruit, all green now as in
Spain during the months of May and June, as well as a
thousand kinds of herbs with their flowers ; yet I know
none of them except this aloe, of which I ordered a quan-
tity to be brought on board to bring to your Highnesses.
I have not made sail for Cuba because there is no wind,
but a dead calm with much rain. It rained a great deal
yesterday without causing any cold. On the contrary, the
days are hot and the nights cool, like May in Andalusia."
Wednesday, 24th of October.
" At midnight I weighed the anchors and left the
anchorage at Cabo del Isleo, in the island of Isabella.
From the northern side, where I was, I intended to go to
the island of Cuba, where I heard of the people who were
very great, and had gold, spices, merchandise, and large
ships. They showed me that the course thither would be
W.S.W., and so I hold. For I believe that it is so, as all
the Indians of these islands, as well as those I brought
with me in the ships, told me by signs. I cannot under-
stand their language, but I believe that it is of the island
of Cipango that they recount these wonders. On the
spheres1 I saw, and on the delineations of the map of the
world,2 Cipango is in this region. So I shaped a course
VV.S.W. until daylight, but at dawn it fell calm and began
to rain, and went on nearly all night. I remained thus,
with little wind, until the afternoon, when it began to blow
1 The globe of Martin Behaim, made in 1492.
2 The map of Toscanelh.
58 LAS ISLÃS DE ARENA.
fresh. I set all the sails in the ship, the mainsail with
two bonnets,1 the foresail, spritsail, mizen, main topsail,
and the boat's sail on the poop. So I proceeded until
nightfall, when the Cabo Verde of the island of Fernandina,
which is at the S.W. end, bore N.W. distant y leagues.
As it was now blowing hard, and I did not know how far
it was to this island of Cuba, I resolved not to go in search
of it during the night ; all these islands being very steep-
to, with no bottom round them for a distance of two
shots of a lombard. The bottom is all in patches, one bit
of sand and another of rock, and for this reason it is not
safe to anchor without inspection with the eye. So I
determined to take in all the sails except the foresail, and
to go on under that reduced canvas. Soon the wind in-
creased, while the route was doubtful, and there was very
thick weather, with rain. I ordered the foresail to be furled,
and we did not make two leagues during that night."
Thursday, 2$th of October.
" I steered W.S.W. from after sunset until 9 o'clock,
making 5 leagues. Afterwards I altered course to west,
and went 8 miles an hour until one in the afternoon ; and
from that time until three made good 44 miles. Then
land was sighted, consisting of 7 or 8 islands, the group
running north and south, distant from us 5 leagues."
Friday, 26th of October.
" The ship was on the south side of the islands, which
were all low, distant 5 or 6 leagues. I anchored there.
The Indians on board said that thence to Cuba was a
voyage in their canoes of a day and a half; these being
small dug-outs without a sail. Such are their canoes. I
departed thence for Cuba, for by the signs the Indians
1 Pieces of canvas laced to the leeches of the mainsail on both sides.
ARRIVAL AT CUBA. 59
made of its greatness, and of its gold and pearls, I thought
that it must be Cipango."
Saturday, 2jtJi of October.
" I weighed from these islands at sunrise, and gave them
the name of Las Islãs de Arena,1 owing to the little depth
the sea had for a distance of 6 leagues to the southward of
them. We went 8 miles an hour on a S.S.W. course until
one o'clock, having made 40 miles. Until night we had
run 28 miles on the same course, and before dark the land
was sighted. At night there was much rain. The vessels,
on Saturday until sunset, made 17 leagues on a S.S.W.
course."
Sunday, 28t/i of October.
" I went thence in search of the island of Cuba on
a S.S.W. coast, making for the nearest point of it, and
entered a very beautiful river without danger of sunken
rocks or other impediments. All the coast was clear of
dangers up to the shore. The mouth of the river was
1 2 brazos across, and it is wide enough for a vessel to beat
in. I anchored about a lombard-shot inside." The Admiral
says that " he never beheld such a beautiful place, with
trees bordering the river, handsome, green, and different
from ours, having fruits and flowers each one according to
its nature. There are many birds, which sing very sweetly.
There are a great number of palm trees of a different kind
from those in Guinea and from ours, of a middling height,
the trunks without that covering,2 and the leaves very
large, with which they thatch their houses. The country
is very level." The Admiral jumped into his boat and
went on shore. He came to two houses, which he believed
1 The Ragged Isles, north of Cuba.
2 Camisa.
6o BEAUTY OF CUBA.
to belong to fishermen who had fled from fear. In one of
them he found a kind of dog that never barks, and in both
there were nets of palm-fibre and cordage, as well as horn
fish-hooks, bone harpoons, and other apparatus " for fish-
ing, and several hearths. He believed that many people
lived together in one house. He gave orders that nothing
in the houses should be touched, and so it was done." The
herbage was as thick as in Andalusia during April and
May. He found much purslane and wild amaranth.1 He
returned to the boat and went up the river for some
distance, and he says it was great pleasure to see the
bright verdure, and the birds, which he could not leave
to go back. He says that this island is the most
beautiful that eyes have seen, full of good harbours and
deep rivers, and the sea appeared as if it never rose ;
for the herbage on the beach nearly reached the waves,
which does not happen where the sea is rough. (Up
to that time they had not experienced a rough sea
among all those islands.) He says that the island is full
of very beautiful mountains, although they are not very
extensive as regards length, but high ; and all the country
is high like Sicily. It is abundantly supplied with water,
as they gathered from the Indians they had taKen with
them from the island of Guanahani. These said by signs
that there are ten great rivers, and that they cannot go
round the island in twenty days. When they came near
land with the ships, two canoes came out ; and, when they
saw the sailors get into a boat and row about to find the
depth of the river where they could anchor, the canoes
fled. The Indians say that in this island there are gold
mines and pearls, and the Admiral saw a likely place for
them and mussel-shells, which are signs of them. He
understood that large ships of the Gran Can came here,
and that from here to the mainland was a voyage of ten
1 Verdolagas y bledas.
COAST OF CUBA. 6 1
days. The Admiral called this river and harbour San
Salvado}-.1
Monday, 2gtk of October.
The Admiral weighed anchor from this port and sailed
to the westward, to go to the city, where, as it seemed, the
Indians said that there was a king. They doubled a point
six leagues to the N.W.,2 and then another point,3 then
east ten leagues. After another league he saw a river
with no very large entrance, to which he gave the name of
Rio de la Luna} He went on until the hour of Vespers.
He saw another river much larger than the others,5 as the
Indians told him by signs, and near he saw goodly villages
of houses. He called the river Rio de Mares? He sent
two boats on shore to a village to communicate, and one
of the Indians he had brought with him, for now they
understood a little, and show themselves content with
Christians. All the men, women, and children fled, aban-
doning their houses with all they contained. The Admiral
gave orders that nothing should be touched. The houses
were better than those he had seen before, and he believed
that the houses would improve as he approached the main-
land. They were made like booths, very large, and look-
ing like tents in a camp without regular streets, but one
here and another there. Within they were clean and well
swept, with the furniture well made. All are of palm
branches beautifully constructed. The)' found many images
1 Puerto Naranjo. Nipe, according to Navarrete.
2 Punta de Mulas. — N.
3 Punta de Cabanas. — N.
4 Puerto de Banes. — N.
5 Puerto de las Nuevitas del Principe. — N.
c Afterwards Puerto de Baracoa, called by the Adelantado of
Cuba, Diego Velasquez, Asumpcion. (Herrera, Dec. /, Lib. II,
cap. xiv.)
02 PUERTO NARANJO.
in the shape of women, and many heads like masks,1 very-
well carved. It was not known whether these were used
as ornaments, or to be worshipped. They had dogs which
never bark, and wild birds tamed in their houses. There
was a wonderful supply of nets and other fishing imple-
ments, but nothing was touched. He believed that all the
people on the coast were fishermen, who took the fish
inland, for this island is very large, and so beautiful, that
he is never tired of praising it. He says that he found
trees and fruits of very marvellous taste ; and adds that
they must have cows or other cattle, for he saw skulls
which were like those of cows. The songs of the birds
and the chirping of crickets throughout the night lulled
everyone to rest, while the air was soft and healthy, and
the nights neither hot nor cold. On the voyage through
the other islands there was great heat, but here it is
tempered like the month of May. He attributed the heat
of the other islands to their flatness, and to the wind
coming from the east, which is hot. The water of the
rivers was salt at the mouth, and they did not know
whence the natives got their drinking-water, though they
have sweet water in their houses. Ships are able to turn
in this river, both entering and coming out, and there are
very good leading-marks. He says that all this sea
appears to be constantly smooth, like the river at Seville,
and the water suitable for the growth of pearls. He found
large shells unlike those of Spain. Remarking on the
position of the river and port, to which he gave the name
of San Salvador,2 he describes its mountains as lofty and
beautiful, like the Pena de las Enamoradas? and one of
1 The word is Caratona. Navarrete suggests Caratida, Careta, or
Mascarilla. — N .
2 The description applies exactly to Puerto Naranjo. Casas
suggests Puerto de Baracoa, while Navarrete is confident that it is
Nipe. 3 Near Granada.
RIO DE MARES. 63
them has another little hill on its summit, like a graceful
mosque. The other river and port, in which he now was,1
has two round mountains to the S.W., and a fine low cape
running out to the W.S.W.
Tuesday, 30th of October.
He left the Rio de Mares and steered N.W., seeing a
cape covered with palm trees, to which he gave the name
of Cabo de Palmas? after having made good 1 5 leagues.
The Indians on board the caravel Pinta said that beyond
that cape there was a river,3 and that from the river to
Cuba it was four days' journey. The captain of the Pinta
reported that he understood from that, that this Cuba was
a city, and that the land was a great continent trending far
to the north. The king of that country, he gathered, was
at war with the Gran Can, whom they called Caini, and his
land or city Fava, with many other names. The Admiral
resolved to proceed to that river, and to send a present, with
the letter of the Sovereigns, to the king of that land. For
this service there was a sailor who had been to Guinea,
and some of the Indians of Guanahani wished to go with
him, and afterwards to return to their homes. The Admiral
calculated that he was forty-two4 degrees to the north of
the equinoctial line (but the handwriting is here illegible).
He says that he must attempt to reach the Gran Can,
who he thought was here or at the city of Cathay,5 which
belongs to him, and is very grand, as he was informed
before leaving Spain. All this land, he adds, is low and
beautiful, and the sea deep.
1 Nuevitas del Principe. — N.
2 " Alto de Juan Danue." — N.
3 Rio Maximo. — N.
4 Wrongly transcribed. It must have been 21 in the original MS.
5 In his letter, Toscanelli said that the usual residence of the Grand
Khan was Cathay (see p. 6).
64 RIO DE MARES.
Wednesday, $\st of October.
All Tuesday night he was beating to windward, and he
saw a river, but could not enter it because the entrance
was narrow. The Indians fancied that the ships could
enter wherever their canoes could go. Navigating onwards,
he came to a cape running out very far, and surrounded
by sunken rocksf^ and he saw a bay where small vessels
might take shelter. He could not proceed because the
wind had come round to the north, and all the coast runs
N.W. and S.E. Another cape further on ran out still
more.2 For these reasons, and because the sky showed
signs of a gale, he had to return to the Rio de Mares.
Thursday, November the ist.
At sunrise the Admiral sent the boats on shore to the
houses that were there, and they found that all the people
had fled. After some time a man made his appearance.
The Admiral ordered that he should be left to himself,
and the sailors returned to the boats. After dinner, one of
the Indians on board was sent on shore. He called out
from a distance that there was nothing to fear, because the
strangers were good people and would do no harm to any-
one, nor were they people of the Gran Can, but they had
given away their things in many islands where they had
been. The Indian then swam on shore, and two of the
natives took him by the arms and brought him to a house,
where they heard what he had to say. When they were
certain that no harm would be done to them they were
reassured, and presently more than sixteen canoes came
to the ships with cotton-thread and other trifles. The
Admiral ordered that nothing should be taken from them,
that they might understand that he sought for nothing
1 Boca de Carabelas grandes. — N. 2 Punta del Maternillo. — N.
NATIVES AT " RIO DE MARES". 65
but gold, which they call nucay. Thus they went to and
fro between the ships and the shore all da)-, and they
came to the Christians on shore with confidence. The
Admiral saw no gold whatever among them, but he says
that he saw one of them with a piece of worked silver
fastened to his nose. They said, by signs, that within
three days many merchants from inland would come to
buy the things brought by the Christians, and would give
information respecting the king of that land. So far as
could be understood from their signs, he resided at a
distance of four days' journey. They had sent many
messengers in all directions, with news of the arrival of
the Admiral. " These people", says the Admiral, " are of
the same appearance and have the same customs as those
of the other islands, without any religion so far as I know,
for up to this day I have never seen the Indians on board
say any prayer ; though they repeat the Salve and Ave
Maria with their hands raised to heaven, and they make
the sign of the cross. The language is also the same, and
they are all friends ; but I believe that all these islands are
at war with the Gran Can, whom they called Cavila, and his
province Bafan. They all go naked like the others." This
is what the Admiral says. " The river", he adds, " is very
deep, and the ships can enter the mouth, going close to the
shore. The sweet water does not come within a league
of the mouth. It is certain," says the Admiral, "that this
is the mainland, and that I am in front of Zayto1 and
Guinsay'- a hundred leagues, a little more or less, distant
1 In Toscanelli's letter it is stated that in the port of Zaiton alone
there were a hundred ships laden with pepper at one time, without
counting those laden with other spices. Zaiton was a seaport of the
province of Fokien in China, now called Chwangchan-fu, between
Fuchau and Amoy. The statement about the pepper trade was
taken by Toscanelli from Marco Polo (c. 82) (see p. 6).
'-' Quinsay of Toscanelli is the Kinsay of Marco Polo (c. 76, yy), who
F
66 TWO SAILORS SENT AS ENVOYS.
the one from the other. It is very clear that no one before
has been so far as this by sea. Yesterday, with wind from
the N.W., I found it cold."
Friday, 2nd of November.
The Admiral decided upon sending two Spaniards, one
named Rodrigo de Jerez, who lived in Ayamonte, and the
other Luis de Torres, who had served in the household of
the Adelantado of Murcia, and had been a Jew, knowing
Hebrew, Chaldee, and even some Arabic. With these
men he sent two Indians, one from among those he had
brought from Guanahani, and another a native of the
houses by the river-side. He gave them strings of beads
with which to buy food if they should be in need, and
ordered them to return in six days. He gave them
specimens of spices, to see if any were to be found. Their
instructions were to ask for the king of that land, and they
were told what to say on the part of the Sovereigns of
Castille, how they had sent the Admiral with letters and
a present, to inquire after his health and establish friend-
ship, favouring him in what he might desire from them.
They were to collect information respecting certain pro-
vinces, ports, and rivers of which the Admiral had notice,
and to ascertain their distances from where he was.
This night the Admiral took an altitude with a quad-
rant, and found that the distance from the equinoctial line
was 42 degrees.1 He says that, by his reckoning, he finds
that he has gone over 1,142 leagues from the island of
Hierro.2 He still believes that he has reached the main-
land.
fully describes it ; now called Hangchau, south of Shanghai. Marco
Polo says it was in the province of Mangi, near Catay, and that the
word means " city of heaven" (see p. 8).
1 An erroneous transcription. It should be 22.
- The true distance was 1,105 leagues. — N.
EXPLORING THE COUNTRY. 67
Saturday, 3rd of November.
In the morning the Admiral got into the boat, and, as
the river is like a great lake at the mouth, forming a very
excellent port, very deep, and clear of rocks, with a good
beach for careening ships, and plenty of fuel, he explored
it until he came to fresh water at a distance of two leagues
from the mouth. He ascended a small mountain to obtain
a view of the surrounding country, but could see nothing,
owing to the dense foliage of the trees, which were very
fresh and odoriferous, so that he felt no doubt that there
were aromatic herbs among them. He said that all he
saw was so beautiful that his eyes could never tire of gazing
upon such loveliness, nor his ears of listening to the songs
of birds. That day many canoes came to the ships, to
barter with cotton threads and with the nets in which they
sleep, called hamacas.
Sunday, ^tk of November.
At sunrise the Admiral again went away in the boat,
and landed to hunt the birds he had seen the day before.
After a time, Martin Alonso Pinzon came to him with two
pieces of cinnamon, and said that a Portuguese, who was
one of his crew, had seen an Indian carrying two very
large bundles of it ; but he had not bartered for it, because
of the penalty imposed by the Admiral on anyone who
bartered. He further said that this Indian carried some
brown things like nutmegs. The master of the Pinta said
that he had found the cinnamon trees. The Admiral
went to the place, and found that they were not cinnamon
trees. The Admiral showed the Indians some specimens
of cinnamon and pepper he had brought from Castille, and
they knew it, and said, by signs, that there was plenty in
the vicinity, pointing to the S.E. He also showed them
gold and pearls, on which certain old men said that there
F 2
68 PRODUCTS OF THE COUNTRY.
was an infinite quantity in a place called BoJiio} and that
the people wore it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs, as
well as pearls. He further understood them to say that
there were great ships and much merchandise, all to the
S.E. He also understood that, far away, there were men
with one eye, and others with dogs' noses who were
cannibals, and that when they captured an enemy they
beheaded him and drank his blood.
The Admiral then determined to return to the ship and
wait for the return of the two men he had sent, intending
to depart and seek for those lands, if his envoys brought
some good news touching what he desired. The Admiral
further says : " These people are very gentle and timid ;
they go naked, as I have said, without arms and without
law. The country is very fertile. The people have plenty
of roots called zanahorias (yams), with a smell like chesnuts ;
and they have beans of kinds very different from ours.
They also have much cotton, which they do not sow, as it
is wild in the mountains, and I believe they collect it
throughout the year, because I saw pods empty, others
full, and flowers all on one tree. There are a thousand
other kinds of fruits which it is impossible for me to
write about, and all must be profitable." All this the
Admiral says.
Monday, $th of November.
This morning the Admiral ordered the ship to be
careened, afterwards the other vessels, but not all at the
same time. Two were always to be at the anchorage, as a
precaution ; although he says that these people were very
safe, and that without fear all the vessels might have been
careened at the same time. Things being in this state,
1 Bohio was their name for a house. The. Admiral cannot have
understood what they were saying. {Las Casas.)
RETURN OF THE ENVOYS. 6g
the master of the NificD- came to claim a reward from the
Admiral because he had found mastick, but he did not
bring the specimen, as he had dropped it. The Admiral
promised him a reward, and sent Rodrigo Sanchez and
master Diego2 to the trees. They collected some, which
was kept to present to the Sovereigns, as well as the tree.
The Admiral says that he knew it was mastick, though it
ought to be gathered at the proper season. There is
enough in that district for a yield of 1,000 quintals every
year. The Admiral also found here a great deal of the
plant called aloe. He further says that the Puerto de Mares
is the best in the world, with the finest climate and the
most gentle people. As it has a high, rocky cape, a
fortress might be built, so that, in the event of the place
becoming rich and important, the merchants would be safe
from any other nations. He adds : " The Lord, in whose
hands are all victories, will ordain all things for his service.
An Indian said by signs that the mastick was good for
pains in the stomach."
Tuesday, 6th of November.
"Yesterday, at night", says the Admiral, "the two men
came back who had been sent to explore the interior.
They said that after walking 12 leagues they came to a
village of 50 houses, were there were a thousand inhabitants,
for many live in one house. These houses are like very
large booths. They said that they were received with
great solemnity, according to custom, and all, both men
and women, came out to see them. They were lodged in
the best houses, and the people touched them, kissing their
1 This was Juan Nino, Master, who, with his brother, Pero Alonso
Nino, the pilot, were the owners of the caravel Nina.
2 Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia was the royal overseer in the
Admiral's ship, and Master Diego was the boatswain.
JO REPORT OF THE ENVOYS.
hands and feet, marvelling and believing that they came
from heaven, and so they gave them to understand. They
gave them to eat of what they had. When they arrived,
the chief people conducted them by the arms to the prin-
cipal house, gave them two chairs on which to sit, and all
the natives sat round them on the ground. The Indian
who came with them described the manner of living of the
Christians, and said that they were good people. Presently
the men went out, and the women came sitting round them
in the same way, kissing their hands and feet, and looking
to see if they were of flesh and bones like themselves.
They begged the Spaniards to remain with them at least
five days." The Spaniards showed the natives specimens
of cinnamon, pepper, and other spices which the Admiral
had given them, and they said, by signs, that there was
plenty at a short distance from thence to S.E., but that there
they did not know whether there was any.1 Finding that
they had no information respecting cities, the Spaniards
returned ; and if they had desired to take those who wished
to accompany them, more than 500 men and women would
have come, because they thought the Spaniards were
returning to heaven. There came, however, a principal
man of the village and his son, with a servant. The
Admiral conversed with them, and showed them much
honour. They made signs respecting many lands and
islands in those parts. The Admiral thought of bringing
them to the Sovereigns. He says that he knew not what
fancy took them ; either from fear, or owing to the dark
night, they wanted to land. The ship was at the time
high and dry, but, not wishing to make them angry, he let
them go on their saying that they would return at dawn,
1 This passage is obscure, no doubt owing to careless transcription.
Las Casas has : " and asked them if they had any there. They
answered no, but made signs that there was plenty near, towards the
S.E.» (i, p. 332).
TOBACCO AND COTTON. 7 1
but they never came back. The two Christians met with
many people on the road going home, men and women
with a half-burnt weed in their hands, being the herbs they
are accustomed to smoke.1 They did not find villages on
the road of more than five houses, all receiving them with
the same reverence. They saw many kinds of trees, herbs,
and sweet-smelling flowers ; and birds of many different
kinds, unlike those of Spain, except the partridges, geese,
of which there are many, and singing nightingales. They
saw no quadrupeds except the dogs that do not bark. The
land is very fertile, and is cultivated with yams and several
kinds of beans different from ours, as well as corn. There
were great quantities of cotton gathered, spun, and worked
up. In a single house they saw more than 500 arrobas,
and as much as 4,000 quintals could be yielded every year.
The Admiral said that " it did not appear to be cultivated,
and that it bore all the year round. It is very fine, and
has a large boll. All that was possessed by these people
they gave at a very low price, and a great bundle of cotton
was exchanged for the point of a needle or other trifle.
They are a people", says the Admiral, " guileless and
unwarlike. Men and women go as naked as when their
mothers bore them. It is true that the women wear a very
small rag of cotton-cloth, and they are of very good appear-
ance, not very dark, less so than the Canarians. I hold,
most serene Princes, that if devout religious persons were
here, knowing the language, they would all turn Christians.
1 Tobacco. Las Casas says that they are dried leaves rolled up in
the shape of the squibs made by the boys at Easter. Lighted at one
end, the roll is chewed, and the smoke is inhaled at the other. It has
the effect of making them sleepy and almost intoxicated, and in using
it they do not feel tired. These rolls of dried leaves are called by
them tabacos. Las Casas adds that he knew Spaniards in Espahola
who were accustomed to smoke it, and when their habit was repre-
hended as a vice, they said they could not leave off. Las Casas did
not understand what pleasure or profit they found in it.
72 DEPARTUREtFROM RIO DE MARES.
I trust in our Lord that your Highnesses will resolve upon
this with much diligence, to bring so many great nations
within the Church, and to convert them ; as you have
destroyed those who would not confess the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost. And after your days, all of us being
mortal, may your kingdoms remain in peace, and free from
heresy and evil, and may you be well received before the
eternal Creator, to whom I pray that you may have long
life and great increase of kingdoms and lordships, with the
will and disposition to increase the holy Christian religion
as you have done hitherto. Amen !"
" To day I got the ship afloat, and prepared to depart on
Thursday, in the name of God, and to steer S.E. in search
of gold and spices, and to discover land."
These are the words of the Admiral, who intended to
depart on Thursday, but, the wind being contrary, he could
not go until the 12th of November.
Monday, \2th of November.
The Admiral left the port and river of Mares before
dawn to visit the island called Babeque} so much talked of
by the Indians on board, where, according to their signs,
the people gather the gold on the beach at night with
candles, and afterwards beat it into bars with hammers.
To go thither it was necessary to shape a course E. b. S.
After having made 8 leagues along the coast, a river was
sighted, and another 4 leagues brought them to another
river, which appeared to be of great volume, and larger
than any they had yet seen. The Admiral did not wish
to stop nor to enter any of these rivers, for two reasons :
the first and principal one being that wind and weather
1 The Indians called the " Tierra Firme", or coast of the mainland,
Babeque or Caiitaba. — N.
KIDNAPPING OF NATIVES. 71
were favourable for going in search of the said island of
Babeque ; the other, that, if there was a populous and
famous city near the sea, it would be visible, while, to go
up the rivers, small vessels are necessary, which those of
the expedition were not. Much time would thus be lost ;
moreover, the exploration of such rivers is a separate enter-
prise. All that coast was peopled near the river, to which
the name of Rio del Sol was given.
The Admiral says that, on the previous Sunday, the
nth of November, it seemed good to take some persons
from amongst those at Rio de Mares, to bring to the
Sovereigns, that they might learn our language, so as to
be able to tell us what there is in their lands. Returning,
they would be the mouthpieces of the Christians, and
would adopt our customs and the things of the faith. " I
saw and knew" (says the Admiral) " that these people are
without any religion, not idolaters, but very gentle, not
knowing what is evil, nor the sins of murder and theft,
being without arms, and so timid that a hundred would
fly before one Spaniard, although they joke with them.1
They, however, believe and know that there is a God in
heaven, and say that we have come from heaven. At any
prayer that we say, they repeat, and make the sign of the
cross. Thus your Highnesses should resolve to make
them Christians, for I believe that, if the work was begun,
in a little time a multitude of nations would be converted
to our faith, with the acquisition of great lordships, peoples,
and riches for Spain. Without doubt, there is in these
lands a vast quantity of gold, and the Indians I have on
board do not speak without reason when they say that in
these islands there are places where they dig out gold, and
wear it on their necks, ears, arms, and legs, the rings being
very large. There are also precious stones, pearls, and an
1 " aunque burlen con ellos."
74 MASTICK TREES.
infinity of spices. In this river of Mares, whence we
departed to-night, there is undoubtedly a great quantity of
mastick, and much more could be raised, because the trees
may be planted, and will yield abundantly. The leaf and
fruit are like the mastick, but the tree and leaf are larger.
As Pliny describes it, I have seen it on the island of Chios
in the Archipelago. I ordered many of these trees to be
tapped, to see if any of them would yield resin ; but, as it
rained all the time I was in that river, I could not get any,
except a very little, which I am bringing to your High-
nesses. It may not be the right season for tapping, which
is, I believe, when the trees come forth after winter and
begin to flower. But when I was there the fruit was
nearly ripe. Here also there is a great quantity of cotton,
and I believe it would have a good sale here without
sending it to Spain, but to the great cities of the Gran Can,
which will be discovered without doubt, and many others
ruled over by other lords, who will be pleased to serve
your Highnesses, and whither will be brought other com-
modities of Spain and of the Eastern lands ; but these are
to the west as regards us. There is also here a great
yield of aloes, though this is not a commodity that will
yield great profit. The mastick, however, is important,
for it is only obtained from the said island of Chios, and
I believe the harvest is worth 50,000 ducats, if I remember
right.1 There is here, in the mouth of the river, the best
port I have seen up to this time, wide, deep, and clear of
rocks. It is an excellent site for a town and fort, for any
ship could come close up to the walls ; the land is high,
with a temperate climate, and very good water.
" Yesterday a canoe came alongside the ship, with six
1 The ducat being gs. 2d. In the seventeenth century the value of
the mastick exported from Chios was 30,000 ducats. See also Letter
to San tangei, p. 15. Chios belonged to Genoa from 1346 to 1566.
KIDNAPPING OF NATIVES. 75
youths in it. Five came on board, and I ordered them to
be detained. They are now here. I afterwards sent to
a house on the western side of the river, and seized seven
women, old and young, and three children. I did this
because the men would behave better in Spain if they had
women of their own land, than without them. For on
many occasions the men of Guinea have been brought to
learn the language in Portugal, and afterwards, when they
returned, and it was expected that they would be useful in
their land, owing to the good company they had enjoyed
and the gifts they had received, they never appeared after
arriving. Others may not act thus. But, having women,
they have the wish to perform what they are required to
do ; besides, the women would teach our people their
language, which is the same in all these islands, so that
those who make voyages in their canoes are understood
everywhere. On the other hand, there are a thousand
different languages in Guinea, and one native does not
understand another.
" The same night the husband of one of the women came
alongside in a canoe, who was father of the three children
— one boy and two girls. He asked me to let him come
with them, and besought me much. They are now all
consoled at being with one who is a relation of them all.
He is a man of about 45 years of age."1 All these are the
words of the Admiral. He also says that he had felt
1 Las Casas denounces this proceeding as a breach of the law of
nations, which is not excused by the Admiral's good intentions ; for
it is never right to do evil that good may come of it. St. Paul, in his
Epistle to the Romans, teaches : " non sunt facienda mala ut bona
eveniant" (Romans, iii, 8). " Certainly the Admiral acted on this
occasion inconsiderately, though in other things he was prudent."
But, on account of this act alone, Las Casas considers that he well
merited all the sorrows and misfortunes which he suffered during the
rest of his life. (Las Casas, i, pp. 334-38.)
y6 BEATING UP THE COAST OF CUBA.
some cold, and that it would not be wise to continue
discoveries in a northerly direction in the winter. On this
Monday, until sunset, he steered a course E. b. S., making
1 8 leagues, and reaching a cape, to which he gave the
name of Cabo de Cuba.
Tuesday, 13th of November.
This night the ships were on a bowline, as the sailors
say, beating to windward without making any progress. At
sunset they began to see an opening in the mountains,
where two very high peaks1 were visible. It appeared that
here was the division between the land of Cuba and that
of Bohio, and this was affirmed by signs, by the Indians
who were on board. As soon as the day had dawned, the
Admiral made sail towards the land, passing a point which
appeared at night to be distant two leagues. He then
entered a large gulf, 5 leagues to the S.S.E., and there
remained 5 more, to arrive at the point where, between two
great mountains, there appeared to be an opening ; but it
could not be made out whether it was an inlet of the sea.
As he desired to go to the island called Babeque, where,
according to the information he had received, there was
much gold ; and as it bore east, and as no large town
was in sight, the wind freshening more than ever, he
resolved to put out to sea, and work to the east with a
northerly wind. The ship made 8 miles an hour, and from
ten in the forenoon, when that course was taken, until
sunset, 56 miles, which is 14 leagues to the eastward from
the Cabo de Cuba. The other land of Bohio was left to
leeward. Commencing from the cape of the said gulf, he
discovered, according to his reckoning, So miles, equal
to 20 leagues, all that coast running E.S.E. and W.N.W.
1 Las Sierras del Cristal and Las Sierras de Moa. — N.
COAST OF CUBA. JJ
Wednesday, i^th of November.
All last night the Admiral was beating to windward (he
said that it would be unreasonable to navigate among
those islands during the night, until they had been
explored), for the Indians said yesterday that it would
take three days to go from Rio de Mares to the island of
Babeque, by which should be understood days' journeys in
their canoes equal to about 7 leagues. The wind fell, and,
the course being east, she could not lay her course nearer
than S.E., and, owing to other mischances, he was detained
until the morning. At sunrise he determined to go in
search of a port, because the wind had shifted from north to
N.E., and, if a port could not be found, it would be neces-
sary to go back to the ports in the island of Cuba, whence
they came. The Admiral approached the shore, having
gone over 28 miles E.S.E. that night. He steered south
miles to the land, where he saw many islets and
openings. As the wind was high and the sea rough, he did
not dare to risk an attempt to enter, but ran along the coast
W.N:W., looking out for a port, and saw many, but none
very clear of rocks. After having proceeded for 64 miles,
he found a very deep opening, a quarter of a mile wide,
with a good port and river. He ran in with her head
S.S.W., afterwards south to S.E. The port1 was spacious
and very deep, and he saw so many islands that he could
not count them all, with very high land covered with trees
of many kinds, and an infinite number of palms. He was
much astonished to see so many lofty islands ; and assured
the Sovereigns that the mountains and isles he had seen
since yesterday seemed to him to be second to none in the
world ; so high and clear of clouds and snow, with the sea
at their bases so deep. He believes that these islands are
1 Puerto de Taxamo, in Cuba.
7§ COAST OF CUBA.
those innumerable ones that are depicted on the maps of
the world in the Far East.1 He believed that they yielded
very great riches in precious stones and spices, and that
they extend much further to the south, widening out in all
directions. He gave the name of La Mar de Nucstra
Seilora, and to the haven, which is near the mouth of the
entrance to these islands, Puerto del Principe. He did not
enter it, but examined it from outside, until another time,
on Saturday of the next week, as will there appear. He
speaks highly of the fertility, beauty, and height of the
islands which he found in this gulf, and he tells the Sove-
reigns not to wonder at his praise of them, for that he has
not told them the hundredth part. Some of them seemed
to reach to heaven, running up into peaks like diamonds.
Others have a flat top like a table. At their bases the sea
is of a great depth, with enough water for a very large
carrack. All are covered with foliage and without rocks.
Thursday, i^th of November.
The Admiral went to examine these islands in the ships'
boats, and speaks marvels of them, how he found mastick,
and aloes without end. Some of them were cultivated
with the roots of which the Indians make bread ; and he
found that fires had been lighted in several places. He saw
no fresh water. There were some natives, but they fled.
In all parts of the sea where the vessels were navigated he
found a depth of 15 or 16 fathoms, and all òasa, by which
he means that the ground is sand, and not rocks ; a thing
much desired by sailors, for the rocks cut their anchor
cables.
1 A group of innumerable islands was usually placed in the ocean
to the east of Asia : and no doubt they were shown on the map of
Toscanelli which Columbus took with him, as they certainly are on
the globe of Martin Behaim, drawn in 1492.
A GOOD HARBOUR. SEARCH FOR PEARLS. 79
Friday, 1 6th of November. t
As in all parts, whether islands or mainlands, that he
visited, the Admiral always left a cross ; so, on this occa-
sion, he went in a boat to the entrance of these havens,
and found two very large trees on a point of land, one
longer than the other. One being placed over the other,
made a cross, and he said that a carpenter could not have
made it better. He ordered a very large and high cross to
be made out of these timbers. He found canes on the
beach, and did not know where they had grown, but
thought they must have been brought down by some
river, and washed up on the beach (in which opinion he
had reason). He went to a creek on the south-east side of
the entrance to the port. Here, under a height of rock
and stone like a cape, there was depth enough for the
largest carrack in the world close in shore, and there was
a corner where six ships might lie without anchors as in
a room. It seemed to the Admiral that a fortress might
be built here at small cost, if at any time any famous trade1
should arise in that sea of islands.
Returning to the ship, he found that the Indians who
were on board had fished up very large shells found in
those seas. He made the people examine them, to see if
there was mother-o'-pearl, which is in the shells where
pearls grow. They found a great deal, but no pearls, and
their absence was attributed to its not being the season,
which is May and June. The sailors found an animal
which seemed to be a taso, or taxo? They also fished with
nets, and, among many others, caught a fish which was
1 Resgate. Rescate (Las Casas).
2 Las Casas does not seem to know the meaning of this word, and
complains that Columbus does not say whether it was a land or
marine beast.
SO EXPLORING PUERTO DEL PRINCIPE.
exactly like a pig, not like a tunny, but all covered with
a very hard shell, without a soft place except the eyes.
It was ordered to be salted, to bring home for the Sovereigns
to see.
Saturday, ijth of November.
The Admiral got into the boat, and went to visit the
islands he had not yet seen to the S.W. He saw many
more very fertile and pleasant islands, with a great depth
between them. Some of them had springs of fresh water,
and he believed that the water of those streams came from
some sources at the summits of the mountains. He went
on, and found a beach bordering on very sweet water,
which was very cold. There was a beautiful meadow,
and many very tall palms. They found a large nut of
the kind belonging to India, great rats, and enormous
crabs. He saw many birds, and there was a strong smell
of musk, which made him think it must be there. This
day the two eldest of the six youths brought from the Rio
dc Mares, who were on board the caravel Nina, made their
escape.
Sunday. lSt/i of November.
The Admiral again went away with the boats, accom-
panied by many cf the sailors, to set up the cross which he
had ordered to be made out of the two large trees at the
entrance to the Puerto del Principe, on a fair site cleared of
trees, whence there was an extensive and very beautiful
view. He says that there is a greater rise and fall there
than in any other port he has seen, and that this is no
marvel, considering the numerous islands. The tide is the
reverse of ours, because here, when the moon is S.S.W., it
is low water in the port. He did not get under weigh,
because it was Sunday.
RETURN TO PUERTO DEL PRINCIPE. 8l
Monday, igt/i of November.
The Admiral got under weigh before sunrise, in a calm.
In the afternoon there was some wind from the east, and
lie shaped a N.N.E. course. At sunset the Puerto del
Principe bore S.S.W. y leagues. He saw the island of
Babeque bearing due east about 60 miles. He steered
N.E. all that night, making 60 miles, and up to ten o'clock
of Tuesday another dozen ; altogether 18 leagues N.E. b. W.
Tuesday, 20th of November.
They left Babeque, or the islands of Babeque, to the
E.S.E., the wind being contrary ; and, seeing that no
progress was being made, and the sea was getting rough,
the Admiral determined to return to the Puerto del Prin-
cipe, whence he had started, which was 25 leagues distant.
He did not wish to go to the island he had called Isabella,
which was twelve leagues off, and where he might have
anchored that night, for two reasons : one was that he had
seen two islands to the south which he wished to explore ;
the other, because the Indians he brought with him, whom
he had taken at the island of Guanahani, which he named
San Salvador, eight leagues from Isabella, might get away,
and he said that he wanted them to take to Spain. They
thought that, when the Admiral had found gold, he would
let them return to their homes. He came near the Puerto
del Principe, but could not reach it, because it was night,
and because the current drifted them to the N.W. He
turned her head to N.E. with a light wind. At three
o'clock in the morning the wind changed, and a course
was shaped E.N.E., the wind being S.S.W., and changing
at dawn to south and S.E. At sunset Puerto del Principe
bore nearly S.W. by W. 48 miles, which are 12 leagues.
82 DESERTION OF PINZON.
Wednesday, 2\st of November.
At sunrise the Admiral steered east, with a southerly
wind, but made little progress, owing to a contrary sea.
At vespers he had gone 24 miles. Afterwards the wind
changed to east, and he steered S. b. E., at sunset having
gone 12 miles. Here he found himself forty-two degrees1
north of the equinoctial line, as in the port of Mares, but
he says that he kept»the result from the quadrant in
suspense until he reached the shore, that it might be
adjusted (as it would seem that he thought this distance
was too great, and he had reason, it not being possible, as
these islands are only in 2 degrees3).
This day Martin Alonso Pinzon parted company with
the caravel Pinta, in disobedience to and against the wish
of the Admiral, and out of avarice, thinking that an Indian
who had been put on board his caravel could show him
where there was much gold. So he parted company, not
owing to bad weather, but because he chose. Here the
Admiral says : " He had done and said many other things
to me."
Thursday, 22nd of November.
On Wednesday night the Admiral steered S.S.E., with
the wind east, but it was nearly calm. At 3 it began to
blow from N.N.E. ; and he continued to steer south to see
the land he had seen in that quarter. When the sun rose
he was as far off as the day before, owing to adverse
currents, the land being 40 miles off. This night Martin
Alonso shaped a course to the east, to go to the island
1 An erroneous transcription. It should be 21 °.
- A gap in the manuscript.
3 Las Casas here interpolates some further remarks about the
latitude, which are of no interest, as the figures on which he bases
them are a blunder of his own in transcribing'.
REPORTS OF BOHIO. 83
of Babeque, where the Indians say there is much gold.
He did this in sight of the Admiral, from whom he
was distant 16 miles. The Admiral stood towards the
land all night. He shortened sail, and showed a lantern,
because Pinzon would thus have an opportunity of joining
him, the night being very clear, and the wind fair to come,
if he had wished to do so.
Friday, 23? d of November.
The Admiral stood towards the land all day, always
steering south with little wind, but the current would
never let them reach it, being as far off at sunset as in the
morning. The wind was E.N.E., and they could shape a
southerly course, but there was little of it. Beyond this
cape there stretched out another land or cape, also trending
east, which the Indians on board called BoJiio. They said
that it was very large, and that there were people in it who
had one eye in their foreheads, and others who were
cannibals, and of whom they were much afraid. When
they saw that this course was taken, they said that they
could not talk to these people because they would be
eaten, and that they were very well armed. The Admiral
says that he well believes that there were such people, and
that if they are armed they must have some ability. He
thought that they may have captured some of the Indians,
and because they did not return to their homes, the
others believed that they had been eaten. They thought
the same of the Christians and of the Admiral when
some of them first saw the strangers.
Saturday, 2\tJi of November.
They navigated all night, and at 3 they reached the
island at the very same point they had come to the week
before, when they started for the island of Babeque. At
G 2
84 AN EXCELLENT HARBOUR.
first the Admiral did not dare to approach the shore,
because it seemed that there would be a great surf in that
mountain-girded bay. Finally he reached the sea of
Nuestra Senora, where there are many islands, and entered
a port near the mouth of the opening to the islands. He
says that if he had known of this port before he need not
have occupied himself in exploring the islands, and it
would not have been necessary to go back. He, however,
considered that the time was well spent in examining the
islands. On nearing the land he sent in the boat to sound ;
finding a good sandy bottom in 6 to 20 fathoms. He
entered the haven, pointing the ship's head S.W. and then
west, the flat island bearing north. This, with another
island near it, forms a harbour which would hold all the
ships of Spain safe from all winds. This entrance on the
S.W. side is passed by steering S.S.W., the outlet being to
the west very deep and wide. Thus a vessel can pass
amidst these islands, and he who approaches from the
north, with a knowledge of them, can pass along the coast.
These islands are at the foot of a great mountain-chain
running east and west, which is longer and higher than
any others on this coast, where there are many. A reef of
rocks outside runs parallel with the said mountains, like a
bench, extending to the entrance. On the side of the fiat
island, and also to the S.E., there is another small reef, but
between them there is great width and depth. Within the
port, near the S.E. side of the entrance, they saw a large
and very fine river,1 with more volume than any they had
yet met with, and fresh water could be taken from it as far
as the sea. At the entrance there is a bar, but within it is
very deep, 19 fathoms. The banks are lined with palms
and many other trees.
1 Rio de Moa.
MATERIALS FOR REPAIRING SHIPS. 85
Sunday, 2$th of November.
Before sunrise the Admiral got into the boat, and went
to see a cape or point of land1 to the S.E. of the flat island,
about a league and a half distant, because there appeared
to be a good river there. Presently, near to S.E. side of
the cape, at a distance of two cross-bow shots, he saw a
large stream of beautiful water falling from the mountains2
above, with a loud noise. He went to it, and saw_some
sfnnps shining in its hed_Hkg_gold.3 He remembered that
in the river Tejo, near its junction with the sea, there was
gold ; so it seemed to him that this should contain gold,
and he ordered some of these stones to be collected, to be
brought to the Sovereigns. Just then the sailor boys called
out that they had found large pines. The Admiral looked
up the hill, and saw that they were so wonderfully large
that he could not exaggerate their height and straightness,
like stout yet fine spindles. He perceived that here there
was material for great store of planks and masts for the
largest ships in Spain. He saw oaks and arbutus trees,
with a good river, and the means of making water-power.
The climate was temperate, owing to the height of the
mountains. On the beach he saw many other stones of
the colour of iron, and others that some said were like
silver ore, all brought down by the river. Here he obtained
a new mast and yard for the mizen of the caravel Nina.
He came to the mouth of the river, and entered a creek
which was deep and wide, at the foot of that S.E. part of
the cape, which would accommodate a hundred ships with-
out any anchor or hawsers. Eyes never beheld a better
1 Punta del Mangle or del Guarico.
2 Sierras de Moa.
3 Las Casas says these were probably stones called margasita, of
which there are many in these streams.
86 WONDERS OF THE NEW WORLD.
harbour. The mountains are very high, whence descend
many limpid streams, and all the hills are covered with
pines, and an infinity of diverse and beautiful trees. Two
or three other rivers were not visited.
The Admiral described all this, in much detail, to the
Sovereigns, and declared that he had derived unspeakable
joy and pleasure at seeing it, more especially the pines,
because they enable as many ships as is desired to be built
here, bringing out the rigging, but finding here abundant
supplies of wood and provisions. He affirms that he has
not enumerated a hundredth part of what there is here,
and that it pleased our Lord always to show him one thing
better than another, as well on the ground and among the
trees, herbs, fruits, and flowers, as in the people, and always
something different in each place. It had been the same
as regards the havens and the waters. Finally, he says
that if it caused him who saw it so much wonder, how much
more will it affect those who hear about it ; yet no one can
•believe until he sees it.
Monday, 26th of November.
At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchors in the
haven of Santa Catalina, where he was behind the flat
island, and steered along the coast in the direction of Cabo
del Pico, which was S.E. He reached the cape late,
because the wind failed, and then saw another cape, S.E.
b. E. 60 miles, which, when 20 miles off, was named Cabo
de Campana, but it could not be reached that day. They
made good 32 miles during the day, which is 8 leagues.
During this time the Admiral noted nine remarkable
ports,1 which all the sailors thought wonderfully good, and
five large rivers ; for the}/ sailed close along the land, so as
1 Among these were the Bay of Yamanique, and the ports of Jaragua,
Taco, Cayaganueque, Nava, and Maravi. — N.
TALES ABOUT THE CARIBS. 87
to see everything. All along the coast there are very high
and beautiful mountains, not arid or rocky, but all access-
ible, and very lovely. The valleys, like the mountains,
were full of tall and fine trees, so that it was a glory to
look upon them, and there seemed 10 be many pines.
Also, beyond the said Cabo de Pico to the S.E. there are
two islets, each about two leagues round, and inside them
three excellent havens and two large rivers. Along the
whole coast no inhabited places were visible from the sea.
There may have been some, and there were indications of
them, for, when the men landed, they found signs of
people and numerous remains of fires. The Admiral con-
jectured that the land he saw to-day S.E. of the Cabo de
Campana was the island called by the Indians Bokio : it
looked as if this cape was separated from the mainland.
The Admiral says that all the people he has hitherto met
with have very great fear of those of Camba or Caninia.
They affirm that they live in the island of Bohio, which
must be very large, according to all accounts. The Admiral
understood that those of Caniba come to take people from
their homes, they being very cowardly, and without know-
ledge of arms. For this cause it appears that these Indians
do not settle on the sea-coast, owing to being near the
land of Caniba. When the natives who were on board
saw a course shaped for that land, they feared to speak,
thinking they were going to be eaten ; nor could they rid
themselves of their fear. They declared that the Canibas
had only one eye and dogs' faces. The Admiral thought
they lied, and was inclined to believe that it was people
from the dominions of the Gran Can who took them into
captivity.
Tuesday, 2jth of November.
Yesterday, at sunset, they arrived near a cape named
Campana by the Admiral ; and, as the sky was clear and
88 NUMEROUS RIVERS.
the wind light, he did not wish to run in close to the land and
anchor, although he had five or six singularly good havens
under his lee. The Admiral was attracted on the one
hand by the longing and delight he felt to gaze upon the
beauty and freshness of those lands, and on the other by
a desire to complete the work he had undertaken. For
these reasons he remained close hauled, and stood off
and on during the night. But, as the currents had set him
more than 5 or 6 leagues to the S.E. beyond where he had
been at nightfall, passing the land of Campana, he came
in sight of a great opening beyond that cape, which seemed
to divide one land from another, leaving an island between
them. He decided to go back, with the wind S.E., steer-
ing to the point where the opening had appeared, where
he found that it was only a large bay1 ; and at the end of
it, on the S.E. side, there was a point of land on which
was a high and square-cut hill,2 which had looked like an
island. A breeze sprang up from the north, and the Admiral
continued on a S.E. course, to explore the coast and dis-
cover all that was there. Presently he saw, at the foot of
the Cabo de Campana, a wonderfully good port,3 and a large
river, and, a quarter of a league on, another river, and
a third, and a fourth to a seventh at similar distances, from
the furthest one to Cabo de Campana being 20 miles S.E.
Most of these rivers have wide and deep mouths, with
excellent havens for large ships, without sandbanks or
sunken rocks. Proceeding onwards from the last of these
rivers, on a S.E. course, they came to the largest inhabited
place they had yet seen, and a vast concourse of people
came down to the beach with loud shouts, all naked, with
their darts in their hands. The Admiral desired to have
speech with them, so he furled sails and anchored. The
1 The port of Baracoa. — N. 2 Monte del Yunque. — N.
3 Port of Maravi. — N.
BEAUTIFUL SCENERY. 89
boats of the ship and the caravel were sent on shore, with
orders to do no harm whatever to the Indians, but to give
them presents. The Indians made as if they would resist
the landing, but, seeing that the boats of the Spaniards
continued to advance without fear, they retired from the
beach. Thinking that they would not be terrified if only
two or three landed, three Christians were put on shore,
who told them not to be afraid, in their own language, for
they had been able to learn a little from the natives who
were on board. But all ran away, neither great nor small
remaining. The Christians went to the houses, which
were of straw, and built like the others they had seen, but
found no one in any of them. They returned to the ships,
and made sail at noon in the direction of a fine cape1 to the
eastward, about 8 leagues distant. Having gone about half
a league, the Admiral saw, on the south side of the same
bay, a very remarkable harbour,2 and to the S.E. some
wonderfully beautiful country like a valley among the
mountains, whence much smoke arose, indicating a large
population, with signs of much cultivation. So he resolved
to stop at this port, and see if he could have any speech
or intercourse with the inhabitants. It was so that, if the
Admiral had praised the other havens, he must praise this
still more for its lands, climate, and people. He tells
marvels of the beauty of the country and of the trees,
there being palms and pine trees ; and also of the great
valley, which is not flat, but diversified by hill and dale,
the most lovely scene in the world. Many streams flow
from it, which fall from the mountains.
As soon as the ship was at anchor the Admiral jumped
into the boat, to get soundings in the port, which is the
shape of a hammer. When he was facing the entrance he
found the mouth of a river on the south side of sufficient
1 Punta de Maici. — N. 2 Puerto de Baracoa. — N.
90 ADVANTAGES OF THE DISCOVERY.
width for a galley to enter it, but so concealed that it is
not visible until close to. Entering it for the length of
the boat, there was a depth of from 5 to 8 fathoms. In
passing up it the freshness and beauty of the trees, the
clearness of the water, and the birds, made it all so delightful
that he wished never to leave them. He said to the men
who were with him that to give a true relation to the
Sovereigns of the things they had seen, a thousand tongues
would not suffice, nor his hand to write it, for that it was
like a scene of enchantment. He desired that many other
prudent and credible witnesses might see it, and he was
sure that they would be as unable to exaggerate the
scene as he was. \ — -v
The Admiral also says : — " How great the benefit that
is to be derived from this country would be, I cannot say.
It is certain that where there are such lands there must
be an infinite number of things that would be profitable.
But I did not remain long in one port, because I wished
-to see as much of the country as possible, in order to make
a report upon it to your Highnesses ; and besides, I do
not know the language, and these people neither under-
stand me nor any other in my company ; while the Indians
I have on board often misunderstand. Moreover, I have
not been able to see much of the natives, because they
often take to flight. But now, if our Lord pleases, I will
see as much as possible, and will proceed by little and
little, learning and comprehending ; and I will make some
of my followers learn the language. For I have perceived
that there is only one language up to this point. After
they understand the advantages, I shall labour to make
all these people Christians. They will become so readily,
because they have no religion nor idolatry, and your
Highnesses will send orders to build a city and fortress,
and to convert the people. I assure your Highnesses that
it does not appear to me that there can be a more fertile
ADVANTAGES OF THE DISCOVERY. 9 1
country nor a better climate under the sun, with abundant
supplies of water. This is not like the rivers of Guinea,
which are all pestilential. I thank our Lord that, up to
this time, there has not been a person of my company who
has so much as had a headache, or been in bed from
illness, except an old man who has suffered from the stone
all his life, and he was well again in two days. I speak of
all three vessels. If it will please God that your Highnesses
should send learned men out here, they will see the truth
of all I have said. I have related already how good a
place Rio de Mares would be for a town and fortress, and
this is perfectly true ; but it bears no comparison with this
place, nor with the Mar de Nuestra Senora. For here
there must be a large population, and very valuable pro-
ductions, which I hope to discover before I return to Cas-
tille. I say that if Christendom will find profit among these
people, how much more will Spain, to whom the whole
country should be subject. Your Highnesses ought not to
consent that any stranger should trade here, or put his
foot in the country, except Catholic Christians, for this
was the beginning and end of the undertaking ; namely,
the increase and glory of the Christian religion, and that
no one shojyld come to these parts who was not a good
Christian."
All the above are the Admiral's words. He ascended
the river for some distance, examined some branches of it,
and, returning to the mouth, he found some pleasant groves
of trees, like a delightful orchard. Here he came upon a
canoe, dug out of one tree, as big as a galley of twelve
benches, fastened under a boat-house made of wood, and
thatched with palm-leaves, so that it could be neither
injured by sun nor by the water. He says that here would
be the proper site for a town and fort, by reason of the
good port, good water, good land, and abundance of fuel.
92 WALKS IN THE INTERIOR.
Wednesday, 28/// of November.
The Admiral remained during this day, in consequence
of the rain and thick weather, though he might have run
along the coast, the wind being S.W., but he did not weigh,
because he was unacquainted with the coast beyond, and
did not know what danger there might be for the vessels.
The sailors of the two vessels went on shore to wash their
clothes, and some of them walked inland for a short
distance. They found indications of a large population,
but the houses were all empty, everyone having fled.
They returned by the banks of another river, larger than
that which they knew of, at the port.
Thursday \ 2jtJi of November.
The rain and thick weather continuing, the Admiral
did not get under weigh. Some of the Christians went to
.another village to the N.W., but found no one, and nothing
in the houses. On the road they met an old man who
could not run away, and caught him. They told him they
did not wish to do him any harm, gave him a few presents,
and let him go. The Admiral would have liked to have
had speech with him, for he was exceedingly satisfied with
the delights of that land, and wished that a settlement
might be formed there, judging that it must support a
large population. In one house they found a cake of wax,
which was taken to the Sovereigns, the Admiral saying
that where there was wax there were also a thousand
other good things. The sailors also found, in one house,
the head of a man in a basket, covered with another basket,
and fastened to a post of the house. They found the same
things in another village. The Admiral believed that they
must be the heads of some founder, or principal ancestor of
a lineage, for the houses are built to contain a great number
SHYNESS OF THE NATIVES. 93
of people in each ; and these should be relations, and de-
scendants of a common ancestor.
Friday, $ot/i of November.
They could not get under weigh to-day because the
wind was east, and dead against them. The Admiral sent
8 men well armed, accompanied by two of the Indians he
had on board, to examine the villages inland, and get
speech with the people. They came to many houses, but
found no one and nothing, all having fled. They saw four
youths who were digging in their fields, but, as soon as
they saw the Christians, they ran away, and could not be
overtaken. They marched a long distance, and saw many
villages and a most fertile land, with much cultivation and
many streams of water. Near one river they saw a canoe
dug out of a single tree, 95 palmos long, and capable of
carrying 150 persons.
Saturday, 1st of December.
They did not depart, because there was still a foul wind,
with much rain. The Admiral set up a cross at the
entrance of this port, which he called Puerto Santo,1 on
some bare rocks. The point is that which is on the S.E.
side of the entrance ; but he who has to enter should
make more over to the N.W. ; for at the foot of both, near
the rock, there are 12 fathoms and a very clean bottom.
At the entrance of the port, towards the S.E. point, there
is a reef of rocks above water,2 sufficiently far from the
shore to be able to pass between if it is necessary ; for both
on the side of the rock and the shore there is a depth of
1 Puerto de Baracoa. — N.
2 This reef actually exists on the S.E. side of the entrance to this
port, which is described with great accuracy by Columbus. — N.
94 EXPLORING EXPEDITION.
12 to 15 fathoms : and, on entering, a ship's head should
be turned S.W.
Sunday, 2nd of December.
The wind was still contrary, and they could not depart.
Every night the wind blows on the land, but no vessel
need be alarmed at all the gales in the world, for they can-
not blow home by reason of a reef of rocks at the opening
to the haven.1 A sailor-boy found, at the mouth of the
river, some stones which looked as if they contained gold ;
so they were taken to be shown to the Sovereigns. The
Admiral says that there are great rivers at the distance of
a lombard shot.
Monday, ^rd of December.
By reason of the continuance of an easterly wind the
Admiral did not leave this port. He arranged to visit a
very beautiful headland a quarter of a league to the S.E.
of the anchorage. He went with the boats and some
armed men. At the foot of the cape there was the mouth
of a fair river, and on entering it they found the width to
be a hundred paces, with a depth of one fathom. Inside
they found 12, 5, 4, and 2 fathoms, so that it would hold
all the ships there are in Spain. Leaving the river, they
came to a cove in which were five very large canoes, so
well constructed that it was a pleasure to look at them.
They were under spreading trees, and a path led from
them to a very well-built boat-house, so thatched that
neither sun nor rain could do any harm. Within it there
was another canoe made out of a single tree like the others,
like a galley with 17 benches. It was a pleasant sight to
look upon such goodly work. The Admiral ascended a
1 Here Las Casas puts "&c", evidently omitting some valuable
sailing directions.
INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES. 95
mountain, and afterwards found the country level, and
cultivated with many things of that land, including such
calabashes, as it was a glory to look upon them. In the
middle there was a large village, and they came upon the
people suddenly ; but, as soon as they were seen, men and
women took to flight. The Indian from on board, who
was with the Admiral, cried out to them that they need
not be afraid, as the strangers were good people. The
Admiral made him give them bells, copper ornaments, and
glass beads, green and yellow, with which they were well
content. He saw that they had no gold nor any other
precious thing, and that it would suffice to leave them in
peace. The whole district was well peopled, the rest
having fled from fear. The Admiral assures the Sove-
reigns that ten thousand of these men would run from ten,
so cowardly and timid are they. No arms are carried by
them, except wands, on the point of which a short piece of
wood is fixed, hardened by fire, and these they are very
ready to exchange. Returning to where he had left the
boats, he sent back some men up the hill, because he
fancied he had seen a large apiary. Before those he had
sent could return, they were joined by many Indians, and
they went to the boats, where the Admiral was waiting
with all his people. One of the natives advanced into the
river near the stern of the boat, and made a long speech,
which the Admiral did not understand. At intervals the
other Indians raised their hands to heaven, and shouted.
The Admiral thought he was assuring him that he was
pleased at his arrival ; but he saw the Indian who came
from the ship change the colour of his face, and turn as
yellow as wax, trembling much, and letting the Admiral
know by signs that he should leave the river, as they were
going to kill him. He pointed to a cross-bow which one
of the Spaniards had, and showed it to the Indians, and
the Admiral let it be understood that they would all be
96 INTERCOURSE WITH THE NATIVES.
slain, because that cross-bow carried far and killed people.
He also took a sword and drew it out of the sheath, show-
ing it to them, and saying the same, which, when they had
heard, they all took to flight ; while the Indian from the
ship still trembled from cowardice, though he was a tall,
strong man. The Admiral did not want to leave the river,
but pulled towards the place where the natives had
assembled in great numbers, all painted, and as naked
as when their mothers bore them. Some had tufts of
feathers on their heads, and all had their bundles of
darts.
The Admiral says : " I came to them, and gave them
some mouthfuls of bread, asking for the darts, for which
I gave in exchange copper ornaments, bells, and glass
beads. This made them peaceable, so that they came to
the boats again, and gave us what they had. The sailors
had killed a turtle, and the shell was in the boat in pieces.
The sailor-boys gave them some in exchange for a bundle
of darts. These are like the other people we have seen,
and with the same belief that we came from heaven.
They are ready to give whatever thing they have in
exchange for any trifle without saying it is little ; and I
believe they would do the same with gold and spices if
they had any. I saw a fine house, not very large, and
with two doors, as all the rest have. On entering, I saw
a marvellous work, there being rooms made in a peculiar
way, that I scarcely know how to describe it. Shells and
other things were fastened to the ceiling. I thought
it was a temple, and I called them and asked, by signs,
whether prayers were offered up there. They said that
they were not, and one of them climbed up and offered
me all the things that were there, of which I took
some."
THE EAST END OF CUBA. 97
Tuesday, 4.1/1 of December.
The Admiral made sail with little wind, and left that
port, which he called Puerto Santo. After going two
leagues, he saw the great river1 of which he spoke yester-
day. Passing along the land, and beating to windward on
S.E. and W.N.W. courses, they reached Cabo Lindo- which
is E.S.E. 5 leagues from Cabo del Monte. A league and
a half from Cabo del Monte there is an important but
rather narrow river, which seemed to have a good entrance,
and to be deep. Three-quarters of a league further on,
the Admiral saw another very large river, and he thought
it must have its source at a great distance. It had a hun-
dred paces at its mouth, and no bar, with a depth of
8 fathoms. The Admiral sent the boat in, to take sound-
ings, and they found the water fresh until it enters the sea.
This river had great volume, and must have a large
population on its banks. Beyond Cabo Lindo there is
a great bay, which would be open for navigation to E.N.E.
and S.E. and S.S.W.
Wednesday, ^tli of December.
All this night they were beating to windward off Cape
Lindo, to reach the land to the east, and at sunrise the
Admiral sighted another cape,3 two and a half leagues to
the east. Having passed it, he saw that the land trended
S. and S.W., and presently saw a fine high cape in that
direction, 7 leagues distant.4 He would have wished to go
1 Rio Boma.— N. 2 Punta del Fraile.— N.
3 Punta de los Azules. — N.
4 The eastern end of Cuba, called Punta del Maid. — N. Las
Casas says that Punta del Maici was not the extreme point. It was
the point named by the Admiral " Cabo de Cuba". He must be
correct, for he had the chart drawn by the Admiral himself, in his
possession (i, p. 340). The Admiral named the extreme east point of
Cuba "Alpha et Omega" ; and Las Casas says that in his time it had
the native name of " Punta de Bayatiquiri". {Las Casas, i, p. 360;
ii, p. 51.)
H
çS DISCOVERY OF ESPANOLA.
there, but his object was to reach the island of Babcque,
which, according to the Indians, bore N.E. ; so he gave up
the intention. He could not go to Babeque either, because
the wind was N.E.1 Looking to the S.E., he saw land,
which was a very large island, according to the informa-
tion of the Indians, well peopled, and called by them
Bohio? The Admiral says that the inhabitants of Cuba, or
Juana,3 and of all the other islands, are much afraid of the
inhabitants of Bohio, because they say that they eat people.
The Indians relate other things, by signs, which are very
wonderful ; but the Admiral did not believe them. He
only inferred that those of Bohio must have more clever-
ness and cunning to be able to capture the others, who,
however, are very poor-spirited. The wind veered from
N.E. to North, so the Admiral determined to leave Cuba,
or Juana, which, up to this time, he had supposed to be
the mainland, on account of its size, having coasted along
it for 120 leagues.4 He shaped a course S.E. b. E., the
land he had sighted bearing S.E. ; taking this precaution
because the wind always veered from N. to N.E. again,
and thence to east and S.E. The wind increased, and he
made all sail, the current helping them ; so that they
were making 8 miles an hour from the morning until one
in the afternoon (which is barely 6 hours, for they say that
the nights were nearly 15 hours). Afterwards they went
10 miles an hour, making good 88 miles by sunset,
equal to 22 leagues, all to the S.E. As night was coming
1 Babeque is a name that does not occur again. Probably its use
by the Admiral arose from some word that had been misunderstood.
2 Hayti, orEspahola. The name Bohio is a mistake (LasCasas,\, 359).
3 The Admiral gave the name of Juana to Cuba, in honour of
Prince Juan, only son of Ferdinand and Isabella.
4 " I found it so large that I thought it must be the mainland — the
province of Cathay" {Letter to Santangel, d. 2). Further on he says :
" I learnt from Indians whom I seized, that their land was certainly
an island" {ibid., p. 3). But he remained in doubt.
ARRIVAL IN ESPANOLA. 99
on, the Admiral ordered the caravel Nina, being a good
sailer, to proceed ahead, so as to sight a harbour at day-
light. Arriving at the entrance of a port which was like
the Bay of Cadiz, while it was still dark, a boat was sent in
to take soundings, which showed a light from a lantern.
Before the Admiral could beat up to where the caravel
was, hoping that the boat would show a leading-mark for
entering the port, the candle in the lantern went out.
The caravel, not seeing the light, showed a light to the
Admiral, and, running down to him, related what had
happened. The boat's crew then showed another light,
and the caravel made for it ; but the Admiral could not
do so, and was standing off and on all night.
Thursday, 6th of December.
When daylight arrived the Admiral found himself four
leagues from the port, to which he gave the name of Puerto
Maria,1 and to a fine cape bearing S.S.W. he gave the
name of Cabo del Estrella? It seemed to be the furthest
point of the island towards the south, distant 28 miles.
Another point of land, like an island, appeared about 40
miles to the east. To another fine point, 54 miles to the
east, he gave the name of Cabo del Elefante? and he called
another, 28 miles to the S.E., Cabo de Cinquin. There was
a great opening or bay, which might be the mouth of a
river,4 distant 20 miles. It seemed that between Cabo del
Elefante and that of Cinquin there was a great opening,5
and some of -the sailors said that it formed an island, to
which the name of Isla de la Tortuga was given. The
island appeared to be very high land, not closed in with
mountains, but with beautiful valleys, well cultivated, the
1 The port of St. Nicholas Mole, in Hayti.
2 Cape of St. Nicholas.
3 Punta Palmista. 4 Puerto Escudo.
5 The channel between Tortuga Island and the main.
II 2
IOO PORT ST. NICHOLAS.
crops appearing like the wheat on the plain of Cordova in
May. That night they saw many fires, and much smoke,
as if from workshops, in the day time ; it appeared to be a
signal made by people who were at war. All the coast of
this land trends to the east.
At the hour of vespers the Admiral reached this port, to
which he gave the name of Puerto de San Nicolas, in honour
of St. Nicholas, whose day it was1; and on entering it he
was astonished at its beauty and excellence. Although he
had given great praise to the ports of Cuba, he had no
doubt that this one not only equalled, but excelled them,
and none of them arc like it. At the entrance it is a
league and a half wide, and a vessel's head should be
turned S.S.E., though, owing to the great width, she may
be steered on any bearing that is convenient ; proceeding
on this course for two leagues. On the south side of the
entrance the coast forms a cape, and thence the course is
almost the same as far as a point where there is a fine
beach, and a plain covered with fruit-bearing trees of
many kinds ; so that the Admiral thought there must be
nutmegs and other spices among them, but he did not
know them, and they were not ripe. There is a river
falling into the harbour, near the middle of the beach.
The depth of this port is surprising, for, until reaching the
land, for a distance of 2 the lead did not reach the
bottom at 40 fathoms ; and up to this length there are
15 fathoms with a very clean bottom. Throughout the
port there is a depth of 1 5 fathoms, with a clean bottom,
at a short distance from the shore ; and all along
the coast there are soundings with clean bottom, and
not a single sunken rock. Inside, at the length of a
1 When he saw it at a distance he had given it the name of Puerto
Maria, but, having entered it on St. Nicholas's Day, he changed the
name, thinking the new one more appropriate.
2 A gap in the manuscript. — N.
PORT ST. NICHOLAS. IOI
boat's oar from the land, there are 5 fathoms. Beyond
the limit of the port to the S.S.E. a thousand carracks
could beat up. One branch of the port to the N.E. runs
into the land for a long half league, and always the same
width, as if it had been measured with a cord. Being in this
creek, which is 25 paces wide, the principal entrance to
the harbour is not in sight, so that it appears land-locked.1
The depth of this creek is 1 1 fathoms throughout, all with
clean bottom ; and close to the land, where one might
put the gangboards on the grass, there are eight fathoms.
The whole port is open to the air, and clear of trees.
All the island appeared to be more rocky than any that
had been discovered. The trees are smaller, and many of
them of the same kinds as are found in Spain, such as the
ilex, the arbutus, and others, and it is the same with the
herbs. It is a very high country, all open and clear, with
a very fine air, and no such cold has been met with else-
where, though it cannot be called cold except by com-
parison. Towards the front of the haven there is a
beautiful valley, watered by a river ; and in that district
there must be many inhabitants, judging from the number
of large canoes, like galleys, with 15 benches. All the
natives fled as soon as they saw the ships. The Indians
who were on board had such a longing to return to their
homes that the Admiral considered whether he should not
take them back when he should depart from here. They
were already suspicious, because he did not shape a course
towards their country ; whence he neither believed what
they said, nor could he understand them, nor they him,
properly. The Indians on board had the greatest fear in
the world of the people of this island. In order to get
speech of the people it would be necessary to remain some
days in harbour ; but the Admiral did not do so, because
he had to continue his discoveries, and because he could
1 This is the " Carenero", within the port of St. Nicholas. — N.
I02 COAST OF ESPANOLA.
not tell how long he might be detained. He trusted in
our Lord that the Indians he brought with him would
understand the language of the people of this island ; and
afterwards he would communicate with them, trusting
that it might please God's Majesty that he might find
trade in gold before he returned.
Friday, yth of December.
At daybreak the Admiral got under weigh, made sail,
and left the port of St. Nicholas. He went on with the
wind in the west for two leagues, until he reached the
point which forms the Carenero, when the angle in the
coast bore S.E., and the Cabo de la Estrella was 24 miles
to the S.W. Thence he steered along the coast eastward
to Cabo Cinquin about 48 miles, 20 of them being on an
E.N.E. coast. All the coast is very high, with a deep sea.
Close in shore there are 20 to 30 fathoms, and at the
distance of a lombard-shot there is no bottom ; all which
the Admiral discovered that day, as he sailed along the
coast with the wind S.W., much to his satisfaction. The
cape, which runs out in the port of St. Nicholas the length
of a shot from a lombard, could be made an island by
cutting across it, while to sail round it is a circuit of 3 or
4 miles. All that land is very high, not clothed with very
high trees, but with ilex, arbutus, and others proper to the
land of Castille. Before reaching Cape Cinquin by two
leagues, the Admiral discovered an opening in the moun-
tains, through which he could see a very large valley,
covered with crops like barley, and he therefore judged
that it must sustain a large population. Behind there was
a high range of mountains. On reaching Cabo Cinquin,
the Cabo de la Tortuga bore N.E. 32 miles.1 Off Cabo
It should be north 11 miles. — N.
COAST OF ESPANOLA. IO3
Cinquin, at the distance of a lombard-shot, there is a high
rock, which is a good landmark. The Admiral being
there, he took the bearing of Cabo del Elefante, which was
E.S.E. about 70 miles,1 the intervening land being very
high. At a distance of 6 leagues there was a conspicuous
cape,'2 and he saw many large valleys and plains, and high
mountains inland, all reminding him of Spain. After
8 leagues he came to a very deep but narrow river, though
a carrack might easily enter it, and the mouth without bar
or rocks. After 16 miles there was a wide and deep
harbour,3, with no bottom at the entrance, nor, at 3 paces
from the shore, less than 15 fathoms; and it runs inland
a quarter of a league. It being yet very early, only one
o'clock in the afternoon, and the wind being aft and
blowing fresh, yet, as the sky threatened much rain, and it
was very thick, which is dangerous even on a known
coast, how much more in an unknown country, the
Admiral resolved to enter the port, which he called Puerto
de la Conception. He landed near a small river at the
point of the haven, flowing from valleys and plains, the
beauty of which was a marvel to behold. He took fishing-
nets with him ; and, before he landed, a skate, like those of
Spain, jumped into the boat, this being the first time they
had seen fish resembling the fish of Castille. The sailors
caught and killed others. Walking a short distance in-
land, the Admiral found much land under cultivation, and
heard the singing of nightingales and other birds of Cas-
tille. Five men were seen, but they would not stop,
running away. The Admiral found myrtles and other
Spanish plants, while land and mountains were like those
of Castille.
1 This is another error of the transcriber. It should be 11 miles.
2 Puerto Escudo. — N. 3 Bahia Mosquito. — N.
"
I04 THE HARBOUR OF CONCEPCION.
Saturday, 8t/i of December.
In this port there was heavy rain, with a fresh breeze
from the north. The harbour is protected from all winds
except the north ; but even this can do no harm whatever,
because there is a great surf outside, which prevents such
a sea within the river as would make a ship work on her
cables. After midnight the wind veered to N.E., and then
to East, from which winds this port is well sheltered by
the island of Tortuga, distant 36 miles.1
Sunday, gt/i of December.
To-day it rained, and the weather was wintry, like
October in Castille. No habitations had been seen except
a very beautiful house in the Puerto de S. Nicolas, which
was better built than any that had been in other parts.
" The island is very large," says the Admiral : " it would
not be much if it has a circumference of 200 leagues. All
the parts he had seen were well cultivated. He believed
that the villages must be at a distance from the sea,
whither they went when the ships arrived ; for they all
took to flight, taking everything with them, and they
made smoke-signals, like a people at war." This port has
a width of a thousand paces at its entrance, equal to
a quarter of a league. There is neither bank nor reef
within, and there are scarcely soundings close in shore.
Its length, running inland, is 3,000 paces, all clean, and
with a sandy bottom ; so that any ship may anchor in it
without fear, and enter it without precaution. At the upper
end there are the mouths of two rivers, with the most
beautiful campaign country, almost like the lands of Spain :
1 A blunder of the transcriber. It should be 11 miles.
NAME OF ESPANOLA GIVEN. I05
these even have the advantage ; for which reasons the
Admiral gave the name of the said island Isla Espanola}
Monday, 10th of December.
It blew hard from the N.E., which made them drag their
anchors half a cable's length. This surprised the Admiral,
who had seen that the anchors had taken good hold of the
ground. As he saw that the wind was foul for the direc-
tion in which he wanted to steer, he sent six men on shore,
well armed, to go two or three leagues inland, and
endeavour to open communications with the natives.
They came and returned without having seen either people
or houses. But they found some hovels, wide roads, and
some places where many fires had been made. They saw
excellent lands, and many mastick trees, some specimens
of which they took ; but this is not the time for collecting
it, as it does not coagulate.
Tuesday, nth of December.
The Admiral did not depart, because the wind was still
east and S.E. In front of this port, as has been said, is
the island of La Tortuga. It appears to be a large island,
with the coast almost like that of Espanola, and the
distance between them is about ten leagues.2 It is well
to know that from the Cabo de Cinquin, opposite Tortuga,
the coast trends to the south. The Admiral had a great
desire to see that channel between these two islands, and
to examine the island of Espanola, which is the most
beautiful thing in the world. According to what the
Indians said who were on board, he would have to go to
the island of Babeque. They declared that it was very
large, with great mountains, rivers, and valleys ; and that
1 See Letter to Santangel, p. 3.
2 One of the commonest blunders of the careless scribe who made
the copy of the Journal of Columbus was to write leagues instead of
miles. The distance is 11 miles.
IOÓ DETAINED IN PORT.
the island of Bohio was larger than Juana, which they call
Cuba, and that it is not surrounded by water. They seem
to imply that there is mainland behind Espanola, and
they call it Caritaba, and say it is of vast extent. They
have reason in saying that the inhabitants are a clever
race, for all the people of these islands are in great fear of
those of Caniba. So the Admiral repeats, what he has said
before, that Caniba is nothing else but the Gran Can, who
ought now to be very near. He sends ships to capture the
islanders ; and as they do not return, their countrymen
believe that they have been eaten. Each day we under-
stand better what the Indians say, and they us, so that
very often we are intelligible to each other. The
Admiral sent people on shore, who found a great deal of
mastick, but did not gather it. He says that the rains
make it, and that in Chios they collect it in March. In
these lands, being warmer, they might take it in January.
They caught many fish like those of Castille — dace,1
salmon, hake,2 dory,3 gilt heads,4 skates,5 corbinas? shrimps,7
and they saw sardines. They found many aloes.
Wednesday, \2th of December.
The Admiral did not leave the port to-day, for the same
reason : a contrary wind. He set up a great cross on the
west side of the entrance, on a very picturesque height,
" in sign", he says, " that your Highnesses hold this land
for your own, but chiefly as a sign of our Lord Jesus
Christ." This being done, three sailors strolled into the
woods to see the trees and bushes. Suddenly they came
upon a crowd of people, all naked like the rest. They called
1 Albicres, a river fish : roach or dace.
2 Pijota, a word in the Galician dialect for a cod or hake.
3 Gallo. 4 Pâmpano. 5 Lisa.
6 I have failed to find the English equivalent for the name of this
fish. ' Camaroncs.
INTERCOURSE WITH NATIVES. I07
to them, and went towards them, but they ran away. At
last they caught a woman ; for I had ordered that some
should be caught, that they might be treated well, and
made to lose their fear. This would be a useful event, for
it could scarcely be otherwise, considering the beauty of
the country. So they took the woman, who was very
young and beautiful, to the ship, where she talked to the
Indians on board ; for they all speak the same language.
The Admiral caused her to be dressed, and gave her glass
beads, hawks' bells, and brass ornaments ; then he sent her
back to the shore very courteously, according to his
custom. He sent three of the crew with her, and three of
the Indians he had on board, that they might open com-
munications with her people. The sailors in the boat, who
took her on shore, told the Admiral that she did not want
to leave the ship, but would rather remain with the other
women he had seized at the port of Mares, in the island of
Juana or Cuba. The Indians who went to put the woman
on shore said that the natives came in a canoe, which is
their caravel, in which they navigate from one place to
another ; but when they came to the entrance of the har-
bour, and saw the ships, they turned back, left the canoe,
and took the road to the village. The woman pointed out
the position of the village. She had a piece of gold in her
nose, which showed that there was gold in that island.
Thursday, 15th of December.
The three men who had been sent by the Admiral with
the woman returned at 3 o'clock in the morning, not
having gone with her to the village, because the distance
appeared to be long, or because they were afraid. They
said that next day many people would come to the ships,
as they would have been reassured by the news brought
them by the woman. The Admiral, with the desire of
ascertaining whether there were any profitable commodities
IOS INTERCOURSE WITH NATIVES.
in that land, being so beautiful and fertile, and of having
some speech with the people, and being desirous of serv-
ing the Sovereigns, determined to send again to the village,
trusting in the news brought by the woman that the
Christians were good people. For this service he selected
nine men well armed, and suited for such an enterprise,
with whom an Indian went from those who were on
board. They reached the village,1 which is 4^ leagues to
the S.E., and found that it was situated in a very large
and open valley. As soon as the inhabitants saw the
Christians coming they all fled inland, leaving all their
goods behind them. The village consisted of a thousand
houses, with over three thousand inhabitants. The Indian
whom the Christians had brought with them ran after the
fugitives, saying that they should have no fear, for the
Christians did not come from Cariba, but were from
heaven, and that they gave many beautiful things to all
the people they met. They were so impressed with what
he said, that upwards of two thousand came close up to
the Christians, putting their hands on their heads, which
was a sign of great reverence and friendship ; and they
were all trembling until they were reassured. The Chris-
tians related that, as soon as the natives had cast off their
fear, they all went to the houses, and each one brought
what he had to eat, consisting of yams,2 which are roots
like large radishes, which they sow and cultivate in all
their lands, and is their staple food. They make bread of
it, and roast it. The yam has the smell of a chesnut, and
anyone would think he was eating chesnuts. They gave
their guests bread and fish, and all they had. As the
Indians who came in the ship had understood that the
1 This village is now known by the name of Gros Morne. It is
situated on the banks of the Rio de los Tres Reyes, which empties
itself into the sea half-a-mile west of Puerto de Paz. — N.
2 " Pan de niames."
BEAUTY OF THE COUNTRY. 109
Admiral wanted to have some parrots, one of those who
accompanied the Spaniards mentioned this, and the natives
brought out parrots, and gave them as many as they
wanted, without asking anything for them. The natives
asked the Spaniards not to go that night, and that they
would give them many other things that they had in the
mountains. While all these people were with the Spaniards,
a great multitude was seen to come, with the husband of
the woman whom the Admiral had honoured and sent
away. They wore hair over their shoulders, and came to
give thanks to the Christians for the honour the Admiral
had done them, and for the gifts. The Christians reported
to the Admiral that this was a handsomer and finer people
than any that had hitherto been met with. But the
Admiral says that he does not see how they can be a finer
people than the others, giving to understand that all those
he had found in the other islands were very well con-
ditioned. As regards beauty, the Christians said there
was no comparison, both men and women, and that their
skins are whiter than the others. They saw two girls
whose skins were as white as any that could be seen in
Spain. They also said, with regard to the beauty of the
country they saw, that the best land in Castille could not
be compared with it. The Admiral also, comparing the
lands they had seen before with these, said that there was
no comparison between them, nor did the plain of Cordova
come near them, the difference being as great as between
night and day. They said that all these lands were
cultivated, and that a very wide and large river passed
through the centre of the valley, and could irrigate all the
fields. All the trees were green and full of fruit, and the
plants tall and covered with flowers. The roads were
broad and good. The climate was like April in Castille ;
the nightingale and other birds sang as they do in Spain
during that month, and it was the most pleasant place
in the world. Some birds sing sweetly at night. The,
I IO ISLAND OF TORTUGA.
crickets and frogs are heard a good deal. The fish are
like those of Spain. They saw much aloe and mastick,
and cotton-fields. Gold was not found, and it is not wonder-
ful that it should not have been found in so short a time.
Here the Admiral calculated the number of hours in the
clay and night, and from sunrise to sunset. He found that
twenty half-hour glasses passed,1 though he says that here
there may be a mistake, either because they were not
turned with equal quickness, or because some sand may
not have passed. He also observed with a quadrant, and
found that he was 34 degrees from the equinoctial line.2
Friday, \\th of December.
The Admiral left the Puerto de la Conception with
the land-breeze, but soon afterwards it fell calm (and this
is experienced every day by those who are on this coast).
Later an east wind sprang up, so he steered N.N.E., and
arrived at the island of Tortuga. He sighted a point
which he named Punta Pz'erna, E.N.E. of the end of the
island 12 miles ; and from thence another point was seen
and named Punta Lanzada, in the same N.E. direction 16
miles. Thus from the end of Tortuga to Punta Aguda
the distance is 44 miles, which is 1 1 leagues E.N.E. Along
this route there are several long stretches of beach. The
island of Tortuga is very high, but not mountainous, and
is very beautiful and populous, like Espahola, and the land
is cultivated, so that it looked like the plain of Cordova.
Seeing that the wind was foul, and that he could not steer
for the island of Banequef he determined to return to the
Puerto de la Conception whence he had come ; but he could
not fetch a river which is two leagues to the east of that
port.
1 Another blunder in transcribing.
2 Another transcriber's blunder. It should be 20o.
3 Elsewhere called Babeque.
TIMIDITY OF THE NATIVES. I 1 1
Saturday, i^th of December.
Once more the Admiral left the Puerto de la Conception,
but, on leaving the port, he was again met by a contrary
east wind. He stood over to Tortuga, and then steered
with the object of exploring the river he had been unable
to reach yesterday ; nor was he able to fetch the river this
time, but he anchored half a league to leeward of it, where
there was clean and good anchoring ground. As soon
as the vessels were secured, he went with the boats to the
river, entering an arm of the sea, which proved not to
be the river. Returning, he found the mouth, there being
only one, and the current very strong. He went in with
the boats to find the villagers that had been seen the day
before. He ordered a tow-rope to be got out and manned
by the sailors, who hauled the boats up for a distance
of two lombard-shots. They could not get further owing
to the strength of the current. He saw some houses, and
the large valley where the villages were, and he said that
a more beautiful valley he had never seen, this river
flowing through the centre of it. He also saw people at
the entrance, but they all took to flight. He further says
that these people must be much hunted, for they live
in such a state of fear. When the ships arrived at any
port, they presently made smoke signals throughout the
country ; and this is done more in this island of Espahola
and in Tortuga, which is also a large island, than in the
others that were visited before. He called this valley
Valle del Paraíso, and the river Guadalquivir ; because
he says that it is the size of the Guadalquivir at Cordova.
The banks consist of shingle, suitable for walking.
Sunday, let A 0/ Beccmber.
At midnight the Admiral made sail with the land-breeze
to get clear of that pulf. Passing along; the coast of
112 AN INDIAN CHIEF.
Espanola on a bowline, for the wind had veered to the
east, he met a canoe in the middle of the gulf, with a single
Indian in it. The Admiral was surprised how he could
have kept afloat with such a gale blowing. Both the
Indian and his canoe were taken on board, and he was
given glass beads, bells, and brass trinkets, and taken in
the ship, until she was off a village 17 miles from the
former anchorage, where the Admiral came to again. The
village appeared to have been lately built, for all the houses
were new. The Indian then went on shore in his canoe,
bringing the news that the Admiral and his companions
were good people ; although the intelligence had already
been conveyed to the village from the place where the
natives had their interview with the six Spaniards.
Presently more than five hundred natives with their king
came to the shore opposite the ships, which were anchored
very close to the land. Presently one by one, then many
by many, came to the ship without bringing anything with
them, except that some had a few grains of very fine gold
in their ears and noses, which they readily gave away.
The Admiral ordered them all to be well treated ; and he
says : " for they are the best people in the world, and the
gentlest ; and above all I entertain the hope in our Lord
that your Highnesses will make them all Christians, and
that they will be all your subjects, for as yours I hold
them." He also saw that they all treated the king with
respect, who was on the sea-shore. The Admiral sent him
a present, which he received in great state. He was a
youth of about 2 1 years of age, and he had with him an
aged tutor, and other councillors who advised and answered
him, but he uttered very few words. One of the Indians
who had come in the Admiral's ship spoke to him, telling
him how the Christians had come from heaven, and how
the\- came in search of gold, and wished to find the island
of Baneqtie. He said that it was well, and that there was
YAMS. 113
much gold in the said island. He explained to the alguazil
of the Admiral1 that the way they were going was the right
way, and that in two days they would be there ; adding,
that if they wanted anything from the shore he would give
it them with great pleasure. This king, and all the others,
go naked as their mothers bore them, as do the women
without any covering, and these were the most beautiful
men and women that had yet been met with. They are
fairly white, and if they were clothed and protected from
the sun and air, they would be almost as fair as people in
Spain. This land is cool, and the best that words can
describe. It is very high, yet the top of the highest
mountain could be ploughed with bullocks ; and all is
diversified with plains and valleys. In all Castille there
is no land that can be compared with this for beauty and
fertility. All this island, as well as the island of Tortuga,
is cultivated like the plain of Cordova. They raise on
these lands crops of yams, which are small branches, at the
foot of which grow roots'2 like carrots, which serve as
bread. They powder and knead them, and make them
into bread ; then they plant the same branch in another
part, which again sends out four or five of the same roots,
which are very nutritious, with the taste of chesnuts.
Here they have the largest the Admiral had seen in any
part of the world, for he says that they have the same
plant in Guinea. At this place they were as thick as a
man's leg. All the people were stout and lusty, not thin,
like the natives that had been seen before, and of a very
pleasant manner, without religious belief. The trees were
so luxuriant that the leaves left off being green, and were
1 Diego de Arana of Cordova, a near relation of Beatriz Henriquez,
the mother of the Admiral's son Fernando.
2 Dioscorea alata. The stem has a woody tissue, with a large
farinaceous tuber attached, which sometimes weighs 30 lbs.
I
114 VISIT FROM A CHIEF.
dark coloured with verdure. It was a wonderful thing to
see those valleys, and rivers of sweet water, and the culti-
vated fields, and land fit for cattle, though they have none,
for orchards, and for anything in the world that a man
could seek for.
In the afternoon the king came on board the ship,
where the Admiral received him in due form, and caused
him to be told that the ships belonged to the Sovereigns
of Castille, who were the greatest Princes in the world.
But neither the Indians who were on board, who acted as
interpreters, nor the king, believed a word of it. They
maintained that the Spaniards came from heaven, and that
the Sovereigns of Castille must be in heaven, and not in
this world. They placed Spanish food before the king to
eat, and he ate a mouthful, and gave the rest to his coun-
cillors and tutor, and to the rest who came with him.
" Your Highnesses may believe that these lands are
so good and fertile, especially these of the island of
Espanola, that there is no one who would know how to
describe them, and no one who could believe if he had
not seen them. And your Highnesses may believe that
this island, and all the others, are as much yours as
Castille. Here there is only wanting a settlement and
the order to the people to do what is required. For I,
with the force I have under me, which is not large, could
march over all these islands without opposition. I have
seen only three sailors land, without wishing to do harm,
and a multitude of Indians fled before them. They have
no arms, and are without warlike instincts ; they all go
naked, and are so timid that a thousand would not stand
before three of our men. So that they are good to be
ordered about, to work and sow, and do all that may be
necessary, and to build towns, and they should be taught
to go about clothed and to adopt our customs."
BARTERING FOR GOLD. 1 15
Monday, 17th of December.
It blew very hard during the night from E.N.E., but
there was not much sea, as this part of the coast is
enclosed and sheltered by the island of Tortuga. The
sailors were sent away to fish with nets. They had much
intercourse with the natives, who brought them certain
arrows of the Caribas or Canibales. They are made of
reeds, pointed with sharp bits of wood hardened by fire,
and are very long. They pointed out two men who
wanted certain pieces of flesh on their bodies, giving to
understand that the Canibales had eaten them by mouth-
fuls. The x^dmiral did not believe it. Some Christians
were again sent to the village, and, in exchange for glass
beads, obtained some pieces of gold beaten out into fine
leaf. They saw one man, whom the Admiral supposed to
be Governor of that province, called by them Cacique,
with a piece of gold leaf as large as a hand, and it appears
that he wanted to barter with it. He went into his house,
and the other remained in the open space outside. He
cut the leaf into small pieces, and each time he came out
he brought a piece and exchanged it. When he had
no more left, he said by signs that he had sent for more,
and that he would bring it another day. The Admiral
says that all these things, and the manner of doing them,
with their gentleness and the information they gave, showed
these people to be more lively and intelligent than any
that had hitherto been met with. In the afternoon a
canoe arrived from the island of Tortuga with a crew
of forty men ; and when they arrived on the beach, all
the people of the village sat down in sign of peace, and
nearly all the crew came on shore. The Cacique rose
by himself, and, with words that appeared to be of a
menacing character, made them go back to the canoe and
I 2
Il6 ENQUIRIES AFTER GOLD.
shove off. He took up stones from the beach and threw
them into the water, all having obediently gone back into
the canoe. He also took a stone and put it in the hands
of my Alguazil,1 that he might throw it. He had been
sent on shore with the Secretary2 to see if the canoe had
brought anything of value. The Alguazil did not wish to
throw the stone. That Cacique showed that he was well
disposed to the Admiral. Presently the canoe departed,
and afterwards they said to the Admiral that there was
more gold in Tortuga than in Espanola, because it is
nearer to Baneque. The Admiral did not think that there
were gold mines either in Espanola or Tortuga, but that
the gold was brought from Baneque in small quantities,
there being nothing to give in return. That land is so
rich that there is no necessity to work much to sustain
life, nor to clothe themselves, as they go naked. He
believed that they were very near the source, and that
our Lord would point out where the gold has its origin.
He had information that from here to Baneque* was four
days' journey, about 34 leagues, which might be traversed
with a fair wind in a single day.
Tuesday, iSt/i of December.
The Admiral remained at the same anchorage, because
there was no wind, and also because the Cacique had said
that he had sent for gold. The Admiral did not expect
much from what might be brought, but he wanted to
understand better whence it came. Presently he ordered
the ship and caravel to be adorned with arms and dressed
with flags, in honour of the feast of Santa Maria de la
1 Diego de Arana.
2 Rodrigo de Escobedo.
3 Las Casas suggests that this name Baneque may possibly mean
Jamaica or the mainland.
VISIT FROM THE CHIEF. 1 17
O ,x or commemoration of the Annunciation, which
was on that day, and many rounds were fired from the
lombards. The king of that island of Espaiiola had got
up very early and left his house, which is about five
leagues away, reaching the village at three in the morning.
There were several men from the ship in the village, who
had been sent by the Admiral to see if any gold had
arrived. They said that the king came with two hundred
men ; that he was carried in a litter by four men ; and
that he was a youth, as has already been said. To-day,
when the Admiral was dining under the poop, the king
came on board with all his people.
The Admiral says to the Sovereigns : " Without doubt,
his state, and the reverence with which he is treated by all
his people, would appear good to your Highnesses, though
they all go naked. When he came on board, he found
that I was dining at a table under the poop, and, at
a quick walk, he came to sit down by me, and did not
wish that I should give place by coming to receive him or
rising from the table, but that I should go on with my
dinner. I thought that he would like to eat of our viands,
and ordered them to be brought for him to eat. When he
came under the poop, he made signs with his hand that all
the rest should remain outside, and so they did, with the
greatest possible promptitude and reverence. They all
sat on the deck, except the men of mature age, whom
I believe to be his councillors and tutor, who came and sat
at his feet. Of the viands which I put before him, he took
of each as much as would serve to taste it,2 sending the
rest to his people, who all partook of the dishes. The
same thing in drinking : he just touched with his lips,
1 The Feast of the Annunciation. (Las Casas.)
2 " Hacer la salva", the quantity taken by the taster before it was
eaten by guests.
Tl8 VISIT FROM THE CHIEF.
giving the rest to his followers. They were all of fine
presence and very few words. What they did say, so far
as I could make out, was very clear and intelligent. The
two at his feet watched his mouth, speaking to him and
for him, and with much reverence. After dinner, an
attendant brought a girdle, made like those of Castilie,
but of different material, which he took and gave to me,
with pieces of worked gold, very thin. I believe they get
very little here, but they say that they are very near the
place where it is found, and where there is plenty. I saw
that he was pleased with some drapery I had over my
bed, so I gave it him, with some very good amber beads
I wore on my neck, some coloured shoes, and a bottle of
orange-flower water. He was marvellously well content,
and both he and his tutor and councillors were very sorry
that they could not understand me, nor I them. How-
ever, I knew that they said that, if I wanted anything, the
whole island was at my disposal. I sent for some beads
of mine, with which, as a charm, I had a gold excelente}
on which your Highnesses were stamped. I showed it to
him, and said, as I had done yesterday, that your High-
nesses ruled the best part of the world, and that there
were no Princes so great. I also showed him the royal
standards, and the others with a cross, of which he thought
much. He said to his councillors what great lords your
Highnesses must be to have sent me from so far, even
from heaven to this country, without fear. Many other
things passed between them which I did not understand,
except that it was easy to see that they held everything to
be very wonderful."
When it got late, and the king wanted to go, the
Admiral sent him on shore in his boat very honourably,
1 A coin worth two castellanos. The castellano was worth 490
maravedis.
NEWS RESPECTING GOLD. 1 1 9
and saluted him with many guns. Having landed, he got
into his litter, and departed with his 200 men, his son
being carried behind on the shoulders of an Indian, a
man highly respected. All the sailors and people from
the ships were given to eat, and treated with much honour
wherever they liked to stop. One sailor said that he had
stopped in the road and seen all the things given by the
Admiral. A man carried each one before the king, and
these men appeared to be among those who were most
respected. His son came a good distance behind the
king, with a similar number of attendants, and the same
with a brother of the king, except that the brother went
on foot, supported under the arms by two honoured attend-
ants. This brother came to the ship after the king, and
the Admiral presented him with some of the things used
for barter. It was then that the Admiral learnt that
a king was called Cacique in their language. This day
little gold was got by barter, but the Admiral heard from
an old man that there were many neighbouring islands, at
a distance of a hundred leagues or more, as he under-
stood, in which much gold is found ; and there is even one
island that was all gold. In the others there was so much
that it was said they gather it with sieves, and they fuse it
and make bars, and work it in a thousand ways. They
explained the work by signs. This old man pointed out
to the Admiral the direction and position, and he deter-
mined to go there, saying that if the old man had not
been a principal councillor of the king he would detain
him, and make him go, too ; or if he knew the language
he would ask him, and he believed, as the old man was
friendly with him and the other Christians, that he would
go of his own accord. But as these people were now sub-
jects of the King of Castille, and it would not be right to
injure them, he decided upon leaving him. The Admiral
set up a very large cross in the centre of the square
120 BETWEEN ESPANOLA AND TORTUGA.
of that village, the Indians giving much help ; they made
prayers and worshipped it, and, from the feeling they
show, the Admiral trusted in our Lord that all the people
of those islands would become Christians.
Wednesday, igt/i of December.
This night the Admiral got under weigh to leave the
gulf formed between the islands of Tortuga and Espanola,
but at dawn of day a breeze sprang up from the east, against
which he was unable to get clear of the strait between the
two islands during the whole day. At night he was unable
to reach a port which was in sight.1 He made out four
points of land, and a great bay with a river, and beyond
he saw a large bay,2 where there was a village, with
a valley behind it among high mountains covered with
trees, which appeared to be pines. Over the Two Brothers3
there is a very high mountain-range running N.E. and
S.W., and E.S.E. from the Cabo de Torres is a small island
to which the Admiral gave the name of Santo Tomas,
because to-morrow was his vigil. The whole circuit of
this island alternates with capes and excellent harbours, so
far as could be judged from the sea. Before coming to
the island on the west side, there is a cape which runs far
into the sea, in part high, the rest low ; and for this reason
the Admiral named it Cabo alto y bajo.^ From the road5
of Torres to E.S.E. 60 miles, there is a mountain higher
than any that reaches the sea,G and from a distance it
looks like an island, owing to a depression on the land
side. It was named Monte Caribata, because that province
1 El Puerto de la Granja. — N.
2 The bay of Puerto Margot. — N.
3 Las Casas says there was no such name used in his time.
4 Point and Island of Margot. — N.
5 Camino for Cabo (?). u Mountain over Guarico.
SAILING DIRECTIONS FOR ACUL. 121
was called Caribata. it is very beautiful, and covered with
green trees, without snow or clouds. The weather was
then, as regards the air and temperature, like March in
Castille, and as regards vegetation, like May. The nights
lasted 14 hours.
Thursday, 20th of December.
At sunrise they entered a port between the island of
Santo Tomas and the Cabo de Caribata} and anchored.
This port is very beautiful, and would hold all the ships in
Christendom. The entrance appears impossible from the
sea to those who have never entered, owing to some reefs
of rocks which run from the mountainous cape almost
to the island. They are not placed in a row, but one here,
another there, some towards the sea, others near the land.
It is therefore necessary to keep a good look-out for the
entrances, which are wide and with a depth of 7 fathoms,
so that they can be used without fear. Inside the reefs
there is a depth of 12 fathoms. A ship can lie with a
cable made fast, against any wind that blows. At the
entrance of this port there is a channel on the west side of
a sandy islet with 7 fathoms, and many trees on its shore.
But there are many sunken rocks in that direction, and a
look-out should be kept up until the port is reached.
Afterwards there is no need to fear the greatest storm
in the world. From this port a very beautiful cultivated
valley is in sight, descending from the S.E., surrounded by
such lofty mountains that they appear to reach the sky,
and covered with green trees. Without doubt there are
mountains here which are higher than the island of
Tenerife in the Canaries, which is held to be the highest
yet known. On this side of the island of Santo Tomas, at
1 Bahia de Acúl.
122 PROOF OF THE ADMIRAL'S AGE.
a distance of a league, there is another islet, and beyond it
another, forming wonderful harbours ; though a good look-
out must be kept for sunken rocks. The Admiral also
saw villages, and smoke made by them.
Friday, 21 si of December.
To-day the Admiral went with the ship's boats to
examine this port, which he found to be such that it could
not be equalled by any he had yet seen ; but, having
praised the others so much, he knew not how to express
himself, fearing that he will be looked upon as one who
goes beyond the truth. He therefore contents himself
with saying that he had old sailors with him who say the
same. All the praises he has bestowed on the other ports
are true, and that this is better than any of them is equally
true. He further says : " I have traversed the sea for
23 years,1 without leaving it for any time worth counting,
and I saw all in the east and the west, going on the
route of the north, which is England, and I have been to
Guinea, but in all those parts there will not be found
perfection of harbours 2 always found 3
better than another, that I, with good care, saw written ;
and I again affirm it was well written, that this one is
better than all others, and will hold all the ships of the
world, secured with the oldest cables. From the entrance
to the end is a distance of five leagues.4 The Admiral saw
some very well cultivated lands, although they are all so,
1 This is one of the passages which fixes the date of the great dis-
coverer's birth. He went to sea at 14, and had been at sea 23
years when he first came to Spain in 14S3, which makes his age 46.
He was, therefore, born in the year 1447.
2 A gap of a line and a half in the manuscript.
3 Another gap in the manuscript.
4 The distance is six miles. This is another instance of the tran-
scriber substituting leagues for miles.
THE ADMIRAL WITH THE NATIVES. 1 23
and he sent two of the boat's crew to the top of a hill to
see if any village was near, for none could be seen from the
sea. At about ten o'clock that night, certain Indians
came in a canoe to see the Admiral and the Christians, and
they were given presents, with which they were much
pleased. The two men returned, and reported that they
had seen a very large village at a short distance from the
sea.1 The Admiral ordered the boat to row towards the
place where the village was until they came near the land,
when he saw two Indians, who came to the shore apparently
in a state of fear. So he ordered the boats to stop, and
the Indians that were with the Admiral were told to assure
the two natives that no harm whatever was intended to
them. Then they came nearer the sea, and the Admiral
nearer the land. As soon as the natives had got rid of
their fear, so many came that they covered the ground,
with women and children, giving a thousand thanks.
They ran hither and thither to bring us bread made of
yams, which they call ajes, which is very white and good,
and water in calabashes, and in earthen jars made like
those of Spain, and everything else they had and that they
thought the Admiral could want, and all so willingly and
cheerfully that it was wonderful. " It cannot be said that,
because what they gave was worth little, therefore they
gave liberally, because those who had pieces of gold gave
as freely as those who had a calabash of water ; and it is
easy to know when a thing is given with a hearty desire
to give." These are the Admiral's words. " These people
have no spears nor any other arms, nor have any of the
inhabitants of the whole island, which I believe to be very
large. They go naked as when their mothers bore them,
both men and women. In Cuba and the other islands the
women wear a small clout of cotton in front, as well as the
Acúl.
124 PRAISE OF THE NATIVES.
men, as soon as they have passed the age of twelve years,
but here neither old nor young do so. Also, the men in the
other islands jealously hide their women from the Christians,
but here they do not." The women have very beautiful
bodies, and they were the first to come and give thanks to
heaven, and to bring what they had, especially things to
eat, such as bread of ajes (yams), nuts, and four or five
kinds of fruits, some of which the Admiral ordered to be
preserved, to be taken to the Sovereigns. He says that
the women did not do less in other ports before they
were hidden ; and he always gave orders that none of his
people should annoy them ; that nothing should be taken
against their wills, and that everything that was taken
should be paid for. Finally, he says that no one could
believe that there could be such good-hearted people, so
free to give, anxious to let the Christians have all they
wanted, and, when visitors arrived, running to bring every-
thing to them.
Afterwards the Admiral sent six Christians to the village
to see what it was like, and the natives showed them all the
honour they could devise, and gave them all they had ; for no
doubt was any longer entertained that the Admiral and
all his people had come from heaven ; and the same was
believed by the Indians wmo were brought from the other
islands, although they had now been told what they ought
to think. When the six Christians had gone, some canoes
came with people to ask the Admiral to come to their village
when he left the place where he was. Ca7ioa is a boat in
which they navigate, some large and others small. Seeing
that this village of the Chief was on the road, and that many
people were waiting there for him, the Admiral went there ;
but, before he could depart, an enormous crowd came to the
shore, men, women, and children, crying out to him not to
go, but to stay with them. The messengers from the other
Chief, who had come to invite him, were waiting with their
TRAISE OF THE NATIVES. 1 25
canoes, that he might not go away, but come to see their
Chief, and so he did. On arriving where the Chief was
waiting for him with many things to eat, he ordered that all
the people should sit down, and that the food should be
taken to the boats, where the Admiral was, on the sea-shore.
When he saw that the Admiral had received what he sent,
all or most of the Indians ran to the village, which was
near, to bring more food, parrots, and other things they
had, with such frankness of heart that it was marvellous.
The Admiral gave them glass beads, brass trinkets, and
bells : not because they asked for anything in return, but
because it seemed right, and, above all, because he now
looked upon them as future Christians, and subjects of the
Sovereigns, as much as the people of Castille. He further
says that they want nothing except to know the language
and be under governance; for all they may be told to do will
be done without any contradiction. The Admiral left this
place to go to the ships, and the people, men, women, and
children, cried out to him not to go, but remain with them.
After the boats departed, several canoes full of people
followed after them to the ship, who were received with
much honour, and given to eat. There had also come before
another Chief from the west, and many people even came
swimming, the ship being over a good half-league from the
shore. I sent certain persons to the Chief, who had gone
back, to ask him about these islands. He received them
very well, and took them to his village, to give them
some large pieces of gold. They arrived at a large river,
which the Indians crossed by swimming. The Christians
were unable, so they turned back. In all this district there
are very high mountains which seem to reach the sky, so
that the mountain in the island of Tenerife appears as
nothing in height and beauty, and they are all green with
trees. Between them there are very delicious valleys, and
at the end of this port, to the south, there is a valley so
126 SAILING DIRECTIONS.
large that the end of it is not visible, though no mountains
intervene, so that it seems to be 15 or 20 leagues long. A
river flows through it, and it is all inhabited and cultivated»
and as green as Castille in May or June ; but the night
contains 14 hours, the land being so far north. This port is
very good for all the winds that can blow, being enclosed
and deep, and the shores peopled by a good and gentle
race without arms or evil designs. Any ship may lie within
it without fear that other ships will enter at night to
attack her, because, although the entrance is over two
leagues wide, it is protected by reefs of rocks which are
barely awash ; and there is only a very narrow channel
through the reef, which looks as if it had been artificially
made, leaving an open door by which ships may enter. In
the entrance there are 7 fathoms of depth up to the shore
of a small flat island, which has a beach fringed with trees.
The entrance is on the west side, and a ship can come with-
out fear until she is close to the rock. On the N.W. side
there are three islands, and a great river a league from the
cape on one side of the port. It is the best harbour in the
world, and the Admiral gave it the name of Puerto de la
mar de Santo Tomas, because to-day it was that Saint's
day. The Admiral called it a sea, owing to its size.
Saturday, 22nd of December.
At dawn the Admiral made sail to shape a course in
search of the islands which the Indians had told him
contained much gold, some of them having more gold
than earth. But the weather was not favourable, so he
anchored again, and sent away the boat to fish with a net.
The Lord of that land,1 who had a place near there, sent a
large canoe full of people, including one of his principal
1 This was Guacangari, Lord of Marien, afterwards the tried and
steadfast friend of the Admiral,
INVITATION FROM A CHIEF. 1 27
attendants, to invite the Admiral to come with the ships to
his land, where he would give him all he wanted. The
Chief sent, by this servant, a girdle which, instead of a bag,
had attached to it a mask with two large ears made of
beaten gold, the tongue, and the nose. These people are
very open-hearted, and whatever they are asked for they
give most willingly ; while, when they themselves ask for
anything, they do so as if receiving a great favour. So
says the Admiral. They brought the canoe alongside the
boat, and gave the girdle to a boy ; then they came on
board with their mission. It took a good part of the day
before they could be understood. Not even the Indians
who were on board understood them well, because they
have some differences of words for the names of things. At
last their invitation was understood by signs. The Admiral
determined to start to-morrow, although he did not usually
sail on a Sunday, owing to a devout feeling, and not on
account of any superstition whatever. But in the hope
that these people would become Christians through the
willingness they show, and that they will be subjects of the
Sovereigns of Castille, and because he now holds them to
be so, and that they may serve with love, he wished and
endeavoured to please them. Before leaving, to-day, the
Admiral sent six men to a large village three leagues to the
westward, because the Chief had come the day before and
said that he had some pieces of gold. When the Christians
arrived, the Secretary of the Admiral, who was one of them,
took the Chief by the hand. The Admiral had sent him, to
prevent the others from imposing upon the Indians. As
the Indians are so simple, and the Spaniards so avaricious
and grasping, it does not suffice that the Indians should
give them all they want in exchange for a bead or a bit of
glass, but the Spaniards would take everything without any
return at all. The Admiral always prohibits this, although,
with the exception of gold, the things given by the Indians
128 MISSION TO A CHIEF.
are of little value. But the Admiral, seeing the simplicity
of the Indians, and that they will give a piece of gold in
exchange for six beads, gave the order that nothing should
be received from them unless something had been given in
exchange. Thus the Chief took the Secretary by the
hand and led him to his house, followed by the whole
village, which was very large. He made his guests eat,
and the Indians brought them many cotton fabrics, and
spun-cotton in skeins. In the afternoon the Chief gave
them three very fat geese and some small pieces of gold.
A great number of people went back with them, carrying
all the things they had got by barter, and they also carried
the Spaniards themselves across streams and muddy places.
The Admiral ordered some things to be given to the Chief,
and both he and his people were very well satisfied, truly
believing that the Christians had come from heaven, so that
they considered themselves fortunate in beholding them.
On this day more than 120 canoes came to the ships, all
full of people, and all bringing something, especially their
bread and fish, and fresh water in earthen jars. They also
brought seeds of good kinds, and there was a grain which
they put into a porringer of water and drank it. The
Indians who were on board said that this was very whole-
some.
Sunday, 23rd of December.
The Admiral could not go with the ships to that land
whither he had been invited by the Chief, because there
was no wind. But he sent, with the three messengers who
were waiting for the boats, some people, including the
Secretary. While they were gone, he sent two of the
Indians he had on board with him to the villages which
were near the anchorage. They returned to the ship with
a chief, who brought the news that there was a great
quantity of gold in that island of Espanola, and that
REPORTS ABOUT GOLD. 120.
people from other parts came to buy it. They said that
here the Admiral would find as much as he wanted.
Others came, who confirmed the statement that there was
much gold in the island, and explained the way it was
collected. The Admiral understood all this with much
difficulty ; nevertheless, he concluded that there was a very
great quantity in those parts, and that, if he could find the
place whence it was got, there would be abundance ; and, if
not, there would be nothing. He believed there must be
a great deal, because, during the three days that he had
been in that port, he had got several pieces of gold, and
he could not believe that it was brought from another
land. " Our Lord, who holds all things in his hands, look
upon me, and grant what shall be for his service." These
are the Admiral's words. He says that, according to his
reckoning, a thousand people had visited the ship, all of
them bringing something. Before they come alongside,
at a distance of a crossbow-shot, they stand up in the
canoe with what they bring in their hands, crying out,
" Take it ! take it !" He also reckoned that 500 came to
the ship swimming, because they had no canoes, the ship
being near a league from the shore. Among the visitors,
five chiefs had come, sons of chiefs, with all their families
of wives and children, to see the Christians. The Admiral
ordered something to be given to all, because such gifts
were all well employed. " May our Lord favour me by
his clemency, that I may find this gold, I mean the mine
of gold, which I hold to be here, many saying that they
know it." These are his words. The boats arrived at
night, and said that there was a grand road as far as
they went, and they found many canoes, with people
who went to see the Admiral and the Christians, at the
mountain of Caribatan. They held it for certain that,
if the Christmas festival was kept in that port,1 all the
1 Port of Guarico. — N.
K
130 HOSPITALITY OF THE NATIVES.
people of the island would come, which they calcu-
lated to be larger than England. All the people went
with them to the village,1 which they said was the
largest, and the best laid out with streets, of any they
had seen. The Admiral says it is part of the Pimta Santa,2
almost three leagues S.E. The canoes go very fast with
paddles ; so they went ahead to apprise the Cacique, as
they call the chief. They also have another greater name
— Nitayno ; but it was not clear whether they used it for
lord, or governor, or judge. At last the Cacique came to
them, and joined them in the square, which was clean-
swept, as was all the village. The population numbered
over 2,000 men. This king did great honour to the people
from the ship, and every inhabitant brought them some-
thing to eat and drink. Afterwards the king gave each
of them cotton cloths such as women wear, with parrots
for the Admiral, and some pieces of gold. The people
also gave cloths and other things from their houses to the
sailors ; and as for the trifles they got in return, they
seemed to look upon them as relics. When they wanted
to return in the afternoon, he asked them to stay until the
next day, and all the people did the same. When they
saw that the Spaniards were determined to go, they accom-
panied them most of the way, carrying the gifts of the
Cacique on their backs as far as the boats, which had been
left at the mouth of the river.
Monday, 2\tJi of December.
Before sunrise the Admiral got under weigh with the
land-breeze. Among the numerous Indians who had
come to the ship yesterday, and had made signs that there
1 Guarico.
2 Columbus has not mentioned this point before. It is now called
San Honorato. — N.
PRAISE OF THE COUNTRY AND PEOPLE. 131
was gold in the island, naming the places whence it was
collected, the Admiral noticed one who seemed more fully
informed, or who spoke with more willingness, so he asked
him to come with the Christians and show them the position
of the gold mines. This Indian has a companion or rela-
tion with him, and among other places they mentioned
where gold was found, they named Cipango, which they
called Civao. Here they said that there was a great
quantity of gold, and that the Cacique carried banners of
beaten gold. But they added that it was very far off to
the eastward.
Here the Admiral addresses the following words to the
Sovereigns: "Your Highnesses may believe that there is
no better nor gentler people in the world. Your High-
nesses ought to rejoice that they will soon become
Christians, and that they will be taught the good customs
of your kingdom. A better race there cannot be, and both
the people and the lands are in such quantity that I know
not how to write it. I have spoken in the superlative
degree of the country and people of Juana, which they
call Cuba, but there is as much difference between them
and this island and people as between day and night. I
believe that no one who should see them could say less
than I have said, and I repeat that the things and the
great villages of this island of Espanola, which they call
Bohio, are wonderful. All here have a loving manner and
gentle speech, unlike the others, who seem to be menacing
when they speak. Both men and women are of good
stature, and not black. It is true that they all paint, some
with black, others with other colours, but most with red.
I know that they are tanned by the sun, but this does not
affect them much. Their houses and villages are pretty,
each with a chief, who acts as their judge, and who is
obeyed by them. All these lords use few words, and have
excellent manners. Most of their orders are given by a sign
K 2
I32 SAILING DIRECTIONS TO ACUL.
with the hand, which is understood with surprising quick-
ness." All these are the words of the Admiral.
He who would enter the sea of Santo Tomé1 ought to
stand for a good league across the mouth to a flat island
in the middle, which was named La Amiga} pointing her
head towards it. When the ship is within a stone's-throw
of it the course should be altered to make for the eastern
shore, leaving the west side, and this shore, and not the
other, should be kept on board, because a great reef runs
out from the west, and even beyond that there are three
sunken rocks. This reef comes within a lombard-shot of
the Amiga island. Between them there are seven fathoms
at least, with a gravelly bottom. Within, a harbour will be
found large enough for all the ships in the world, which
would be there without need of cables. There is another
reef, with sunken rocks, on the east side of the island of
Amiga, which are extensive and run out to sea, reaching
within two leagues of the cape. But it appeared that
between them there was an entrance, within two lombard-
shots of Amiga, on the west side of Monte Caribatan,
where there was a good and very large port.3
Tuesday, 2$t/i of December. Christmas.
Navigating yesterday, with little wind, from Santo Tomé
to Punta Santa, and being a league from it, at about eleven
o'clock at night the Admiral went down to get some sleep,
for he had not had any rest for two days and a night. As
it was calm, the sailor who steered the ship thought he
would go to sleep, leaving the tiller in charge of a boy.
The Admiral had forbidden this throughout the voyage,
whether it was blowing or whether it was calm. The boys
were never to be entrusted with the helm. The Admiral
1 Entrance of the Bay of Açul. — N. 2 Islã de Ratos. — N.
3 Puerto Frances. — N.
SHIPWRECK. I33
had no anxiety respecting sand-banks and rocks, because,
when he sent the boats to that king on Sunday, they had
passed to the east of Punt a Santa at least three leagues
and a half, and the sailors had seen all the coast, and the
rocks there are from Punta Santa, for a distance of three
leagues to the E.S.E. They saw the course that should be
taken, which had not been the case before, during this
voyage. It pleased our Lord that, at twelve o'clock at
night, when the Admiral had retired to rest, and when all
had fallen asleep, seeing that it was a dead calm and the
sea like glass, the tiller being in the hands of a boy, the
current carried the ship on one of the sand-banks. If
it had not been night the bank could have been seen, and
the surf on it could be heard for a good league. But the
ship ran upon it so gently that it could scarcely be felt.
The boy, who felt the helm and heard the rush of the sea,
cried out. The Admiral at once came up, and so quickly
that no one had felt that the ship was aground. Presently
the master of the ship,1 whose watch it was, came on deck.
The Admiral ordered him and others to launch the boat,
which was on the poop, and lay out an anchor astern. The
master, with several others, got into the boat, and the
Admiral thought that they did so with the object of
obeying his orders. But they did so in order to take
refuge with the caravel, which was half a league to leeward.
The caravel would not allow them to come on board,
acting judiciously, and they therefore returned to the ship ;
but the caravel's boat arrived first. When the Admiral
saw that his own people fled in this way, the water rising
and the ship being across the sea, seeing no other course,
he ordered the masts to be cut away and the ship to be
1 The master, who was also the owner, of the Admiral's ship was
Juan de la Cosa of Santoha, afterwards well known as a draughtsman
and pilot
134 HELP FROM THE NATIVES.
lightened as much as possible, to see if she would come off.
But, as the water continued to rise, nothing more could be
done. Her side fell over across the sea, but it was nearly-
calm. Then the timbers1 opened, and the ship was lost.
The Admiral went to the caravel to arrange about the
reception of the ship's crew, and as a light breeze was
blowing from the land, and continued during the greater
part of the night, while it was unknown how far the bank
extended, he hove her to until daylight. He then went
back to the ship, inside the reef; first having sent a boat
on shore with Diego de Arana of Cordova, Alguazil of the
Fleet, and Pedro Gutierrez, Gentleman of the King's Bed-
chamber, to inform the king, who had invited the ships to
come on the previous Saturday. His town was about a
league and a half from the sand-bank. They reported
that he wept when he heard the news, and he sent all his
people with large canoes to unload the ship. This was
done, and they landed all there was between decks in a
very short time. Such was the great promptitude and
diligence shown by that king. He himself, with brothers
and relations, were actively assisting as well in the ship as
in the care of the property when it was landed, that all
might be properly guarded. Now and then he sent one of
his relations weeping to the Admiral, to console him,
saying that he must not feel sorrow or annoyance, for he
would supply all that was needed. The Admiral assured
the Sovereigns that there could not have been such good
watch kept in any part of Castille, for that there was not
even a needle missing. He ordered that all the property
should be placed by some houses which the king placed at
his disposal, until they were emptied, when everything
would be stowed and guarded in them. Armed men were
1 Conventos, a word meaning the spaces filled with timber, between
the ribs. See Herrera, Dec. f, Lib. I, cap. 18. — N.
PRAISE OF THE NATIVES. 135
placed round the stores to watch all night. " The king
and all his people wept. They are a loving people, without
covetousness, and fit for anything ; and I assure your
Highnesses that there is no better land nor people. They
love their neighbours as themselves, and their speech is
the sweetest and gentlest in the world, and always with a
smile. Men and women go as naked as when their mothers
bore them. Your Highnesses should believe that they
have very good customs among themselves. The king is
a man of remarkable presence, and with a certain self-
contained manner that is a pleasure to see. They have
good memories, wish to see everything, and ask the use
of what they see." All this is written by the Admiral.1
Wednesday, 26th of December.
To-day, at sunrise, the king of that land came to the
caravel Nina, where the Admiral was, and said to him,
almost weeping, that he need not be sorry, for that he
would give him all he had ; that he had placed two large
houses at the disposal of the Christians who were on shore,
and that he would give more if they were required, and as
many canoes as could load from the ship and discharge on
shore, with as many people as were wanted. This had all
been done yesterday, without so much as a needle being
missed. " So honest are they," says the Admiral, " without
any covetousness for the goods of others, and so above all
was that virtuous king." While the Admiral was talking to
him, another canoe arrived from a different place, bringing
some pieces of gold, which the people in the canoe wanted
to exchange for a hawk's bell; for there was nothing they
1 Fernando Columbus, in the Historie (cap. xxxii), copies this
account of the shipwreck by his father, the Admiral. His version
differs somewhat in the expressions, but is the same in substance as
the text from the copy of Las Casas, — N.
I36 FEAST WITH THE INDIAN CHIEF.
desired more than these bells. They had scarcely come
alongside when they called and held up the gold, saying
CJiuq chuq for the bells, for they are quite mad about them.
After the king had seen this, and when the canoes which
came from other places had departed, he called the
Admiral and asked him to give orders that one of the bells
was to be kept for another day, when he would bring four
pieces of gold the size of a man's hand. The Admiral
rejoiced to hear this, and afterwards a sailor, who came
from the shore, told him that it was wonderful what pieces
of gold the men on shore were getting in exchange for next
to nothing. For a needle they got a piece of gold worth
two castellanos, and that this was nothing to what it would
be within a month. The king rejoiced much when he saw
that the Admiral was pleased. He understood that his
friend wanted much gold, and he said, by signs, that he knew
where there was, in the vicinity, a very large quantity ; so
that he must be in good heart, for he should have as much
as he wanted. He gave some account of it, especially
saying that in Cipango, which they call Cibao, it is so abun-
dant that it is of no value, and that they will bring it,
although there is also much more in the island of Espaflola,
which they call Bohio, and in the province of Cantada.
The king dined on board the caravel with the Admiral
and afterwards went on shore, where he received the
Admiral with much honour. He gave him a collation
consisting of three or four kinds of yams, with shellfish
and game, and other viands they have, besides the
bread they call cazavi. He then took the Admiral to
see some groves of trees near the houses, and they were
accompanied by at least a thousand people, all naked. The
Lord had on a shirt and a pair of gloves, given to him by
the Admiral, and he was more delighted with the gloves
than with anything else. In his manner of eating, both
as regards the high-bred air and the peculiar cleanliness
INTERCOURSE WITH THE CHIEF. 1 37
he clearly showed his nobility. After he had eaten, he
remained some time at table, and they brought him certain
herbs, with which he rubbed his hands. The Admiral
thought that this was done to make them soft, and they
also gave him water for his hands. After the meal he took
the Admiral to the beach. The Admiral then sent for a
Turkish bow and a quiver of arrows, and took a shot at a
man of his company, who had been warned. The chief,
who knew nothing about arms, as they neither have them
nor use them, thought this a wonderful thing. He, how-
ever, began to talk of those of Cauiba, whom they call
Caribcs. They come to capture the natives, and have bows
and arrows without iron, of which there is no memory in
any of these lands, nor of steel, nor any other metal except
gold and copper. Of copper the Admiral had only seen
very little. The Admiral said, by signs, that the Sovereigns
of Castille would order the Caribs to be destroyed, and
that all should be taken with their heads tied together.
He ordered a lombard and a hand-gun to be fired off, and
seeing the effect caused by its force and what the shots pene-
trated, the king was astonished. When his people heard
the explosion they all fell on the ground. They brought
the Admiral a large mask, which had pieces of gold for the
eyes and ears and in other parts, and this they gave, with
other trinkets of gold that the same king had put on the
head and round the neck of the Admiral, and of other
Christians, to whom they also gave many pieces. The
Admiral received much pleasure and consolation from
these things, which tempered the anxiety and sorrow he
felt at the loss of the ship. He knew our Lord had
caused the ship to stop here, that a settlement might
be formed. " From this", he says, " originated so many
things that, in truth, the disaster was really a piece of
good fortune. For it is certain that, if I had not lost the
ship, I should have gone on without anchoring in this
I38 A SETTLEMENT FORMED.
place, which is within a great bay, having two or three
reefs of rock. I should not have left people in the country
during this voyage, nor even, if I had desired to leave them,
should I have been able to obtain so much information, nor
such supplies and provisions for a fortress. And true it is that
many people had asked me to give them leave to remain.
Now I have given orders for a tower and a fort, both well
built, and a large cellar, not because I believe that such de-
fences will be necessary. I believe that with the force I have
with me I could subjugate the whole island, which I believe
to be larger than Portugal, and the population double. But
they are naked and without arms, and hopelessly timid.
Still, it is advisable to build this tower, being so far from
your Highnesses. The people may thus know the skill of
the subjects of your Highnesses, and what they can do ;
and will obey them with love and fear. So they make
preparations to build the fortress, with provision of bread
and wine for more than a year, with seeds for sowing, the
ship's boat, a caulker and carpenter, a gunner and cooper.
Many among these men have a great desire to serve your
Highnesses and to please me, by finding out where the
mine is whence the gold is brought. Thus everything is
got in readiness to begin the work. Above all, it was so
calm that there was scarcely wind nor wave when the ship
ran aground." This is what the Admiral says ; and he
adds more to show that it was great good luck, and the
settled design of God, that the ship should be lost in order
that people might be left behind. If it had not been for
the treachery of the master and his boat's crew, who were
all or mostly his countrymen,1 in neglecting to lay out the
anchor so as to haul the ship off in obedience to the
1 Juan de la Cosa, the master, was a native of Santona, on the north
coast of Spain. There were two other Santona men on board, and
several from the north coast.
ALL STORES SAVED FROM THE SHIP. 1 39
Admiral's orders, she would have been saved. In that
case, the same knowledge of the land as has been gained
in these days would not have been secured, for the
Admiral always proceeded with the object of discovering,
and never intended to stop more than a day at any
one place, unless he was detained by the wind. Still, the
ship was very heavy and unsuited for discovery. It was
the people of Palos who obliged him to take such a ship,
by not complying " with what they had promised to the
King and Queen, namely, to supply suitable vessels for
this expedition. This they did not do. Of all that there
was on board the ship, not a needle, nor a board, nor
a nail was lost, for she remained as whole as when she
sailed, except that it was necessary to cut away and level
down in order to get out the jars and merchandise, which
were landed and carefully guarded." He trusted in God
that, when he returned from Spain, according to his inten-
tion, he would find a ton of gold collected by barter by
those he was to leave behind, and that they would have
found the mine, and spices in such quantities that the
Sovereigns would, in three years, be able to undertake
and fit out an expedition to go and conquer the Holy
Sepulchre. " Thus", he says, " I protest to your High-
nesses that all the profits of this my enterprise may be
spent in the conquest of Jerusalem. Your Highnesses
may laugh, and say that it is pleasing to you, and that,
without this, you entertain that desire." These are the
Admiral's words.
Thursday, 2jtk of December.
The king of that land came alongside the caravel at
sunrise, and said that he had sent for gold, and that he
would collect all he could before the Admiral departed ;
but he begged him not to go. The king and one of his
140 BUILDING OF THE FORT.
brothers, with another very intimate relation, dined with
the Admiral, and the two latter said they wished to go to
Castille with him. At this time the news came that the
caravel Pinta was in a river at the end of this island.
Presently the Cacique sent a canoe there, and the Admiral
sent a sailor in it. For it was wonderful how devoted the
Cacique was to the Admiral. The necessity was now
evident of hurrying on preparations for the return to
Castille.
Friday ; 2§th of December.
The Admiral went on shore to give orders and hurry
on the work of building the fort, and to settle what men
should remain behind. The king, it would seem, had
watched him getting into the boat, and quickly went into
his house, dissimulating, sending one of his brothers to
receive the Admiral, and conduct him to one of the houses
that had been set aside for the Spaniards, which was the
largest and best in the town. In it there was a couch
made of palm matting, where they sat down. Afterwards
the brother sent an attendant to say that the Admiral was
there, as if the king did not know that he had come. The
Admiral, however, believed that this was a feint in order
to do him more honour. The attendant gave the message,
and the Cacique came in great haste, and put a large soft
piece of gold he had in his hand round the Admiral's neck.
They remained together until the evening, arranging what
had to be done.
Saturday, 29/// of December.
A very youthful nephew of the king came to the caravel
at sunrise, who showed a good understanding and dis-
position. As the Admiral was always working to find out
the origin of the gold, he asked everyone, for he could
now understand somewhat by signs. This youth told him
RECEPTION BY CHIEFS. 14I
that, at a distance of four days' journey, there was an
island to the eastward called Guarionex, and others called
Macorix, Mayonic, Fuma, Cibao, and Coroay} in which
there was plenty of gold. The Admiral wrote these names
down, and now understood what had been said by a
brother of the king, who was annoyed with him, as the
Admiral understood. At other times the Admiral had
suspected that the king had worked against his knowing
where the gold had its origin and was collected, that he
might not go away to barter in another part of the island.
For there are such a number of places in this same island
that it is wonderful. After nightfall the king sent a large
mask of gold, and asked for a washhand basin and jug.
The Admiral thought he wanted them for patterns to copy
from, and therefore sent them.
Sunday, 30/// of December.
The Admiral went on shore to dinner, and came at a
time when five kings had arrived, all with their crowns,
who were subject to this king, named Guacanagari. They
represented a very good state of affairs, and the Admiral
says to the Sovereigns that it would have given them
pleasure to see the manner of their arrival. On landing,
the Admiral was received by the king, who led him by the
arms to the same house where he was yesterday, where
there were chairs, and a couch on which the Admiral sat.
Presently the king took the crown off his head and put it
on the Admiral's head, and the Admiral took from his
neck a collar of beautiful beads of several different colours,
which looked very well in all its parts, and put it on the
king. He also took off a cloak of fine material, in which
he had dressed himself that day, and dressed the king in
1 These were not islands, but provinces of Espanola. Guarionex
was the chief of the " Ve^a Real".
142 FUTURE PLANS.
it, and sent for some coloured boots, which he put on his
feet, and he put a large silver ring on his finger, because
he had heard that he had admired greatly a silver orna-
ment worn by one of the sailors. The king was highly
delighted and well satisfied, and two of those kings who
were with him came with him to where the Admiral was,
and each gave him a large piece of gold. At this time an
Indian came and reported that it was two days since he
left the caravel Pinta in a port to the eastward. The
Admiral returned to the caravel, and Vicente Anes,1 the
captain, said that he had seen the rhubarb plant, and that
they had it on the island Amiga, which is at the entrance
of the sea of Santo Tome, six leagues off, and that he had
recognised the branches and roots. They say that rhubarb
forms small branches above ground, and fruit like green
mulberries, almost dry, and the stalk, near the root, is as
yellow and delicate as the best colour for painting, and
underground the root grows like a large pear.2
Monday, 31 st of December.
To-day the Admiral was occupied in seeing that water
and fuel were taken on board for the voyage to Spain,
to give early notice to the Sovereigns, that they might
despatch ships to complete the discoveries. For now the
business appeared to be so great and important that the
Admiral was astonished. He did not wish to go until he had
examined all the land to the eastward, and explored the
coast, so as to know the route to Castille, with a view to
sending sheep and cattle. But as he had been left with
only a single vessel, it did not appear prudent to encounter
the dangers that are inevitable in making discoveries. He
1 For Yanez. Vicente Yaííez Pinzon.
2 See Letter to Scuitangel, p. 15.
GOLD AND SPICES. 143
complained that all this inconvenience had been caused by
the caravel Pinta having parted company.
Tuesday, 1st of January 1493.
At midnight the Admiral sent a boat to the island
Amiga to bring the rhubarb. It returned at vespers with
a bundle of it. They did not bring more because they had
no spade to dig it up with ; it was taken to be shown to
the Sovereigns. The king of that land said that he had sent
many canoes for gold. The canoe returned that had been
sent for tidings of the Pinta, without having found her.
The sailor who went in the canoe said that twenty leagues
from there he had seen a king who wore two large plates
of gold on his head, but when the Indians in the canoe
spoke to him he took them off. He also saw much gold
on other people. The Admiral considered that the King
Guacanagari ought to have prohibited his people from
selling gold to the Christians, in order that it might all pass
through his hands. But the king knew the places, as
before stated, where there was such a quantity that it was
not valued. The spicery also is extensive, and is worth
more than pepper or mancgueta.1 He left instructions to
those who wished to remain that they were to collect as
much as they could.
Wednesday, 2?id of January.
In the morning the Admiral went on shore to take leave of
the King Guacanagari, and to depart from him in the name
of the Lord. He gave him one of his shirts. In order to
show him the force of the lombards, and what effect they
had, he ordered one to be loaded and fired into the side of
the ship that was on shore, for this was apposite to the con-
versation respecting the Caribs, with whom Guacanagari
was at war. The king saw whence the lombard-shot
1 See note at page 154.
144
THE SETTLEMENT.
came, and how it passed through the side of the ship
and went far away over the sea. The Admiral also
ordered a skirmish of the crews of the ships, fully armed,
saying to the Cacique that he need have no fear of the
Caribs even if they should come. All this was done that
the king might look upon the men who were left behind as
friends, and that he might also have a proper fear of them.
The king took the Admiral to dinner at the house where he
was established, and the others who came with him. The
Admiral strongly recommended to his friendship Diego de
Arana, Pedro Gutierrez, and Rodrigo Escovedo, whom he
left jointly as his lieutenants over the people who remained
behind, that all might be well regulated and governed for
the service of their Highnesses. The Cacique showed much
love for the Admiral, and great sorrow at his departure,
especially when he saw him go on board. A relation of
that king said to the Admiral that he had ordered a statue
of pure gold to be made, as big as the Admiral, and that
it would be brought within ten days. The Admiral
embarked with the intention of sailing presently, but there
was no wind.
He left on that island of Espaiiola, which the Indians
called Bo/no, 39 men1 with the fortress,2 and he says that
1 The actual number was 44, according to the official list, namely :
1. Diego de Arana of Cordova
(Alguazil Mayor).
2. Rodrigo de Escobedo {Secre-
tary).
3. Pedro Gutierrez (Gentleman of
the King's Bedchamber).
Bachiller Bernardo de Tapia
( Volunteer).
Alonzo Velez of Seville.
Alonzo Perez Osório.
4-
7. Castillo of Seville (Assayer).
8. Antonio of Jaen.
9. Álvaro Perez Osório.
10. Cristoval de Alamo of Niebla.
11. Diego Garcia of Xeres.
12. Diego de Tordoya of Cabeza
de Vaca.
13. Diego de Capilla of Almeden.
14. Diego of Mambles.
15. Diego de Mendoza.
2 To which he gave the name of " Villa de la Navidad", because
the ship was lost on Christmas Day.
THE SETTLEMENT OF NAVIDAD.
H5
they were great friends of Guacanagari. The lieutenants
placed over them were Diego de Arana of Cordova, Pedro
Gutierrez, Gentleman of the King's Bedchamber, and
Rodrigo de Escovedo, a native of Seogvia, nephew of
Fray Rodrigo Perez, with all the powers he himself received
from the Sovereigns. He left behind all the merchandise
which had been provided for bartering, which was much,
that they might trade for gold. He also left bread for a
year's supply, wine, and much artillery. He also left the
ship's boat, that they, most of them being sailors, might go,
when the time seemed convenient, to discover the gold
mine, in order that the Admiral, on his return, might find
much gold. They were also to find a good site for a town,
for this was not altogether a desirable port ; especially as
the gold the natives brought came from the east ; also, the
farther to the east the nearer to Spain. He also left seeds
for sowing, and his officers, the Alguazil and Secretary, as
well as a ship's carpenter, a caulker, a good gunner well
16. Diego de Montalvan of Jaen.
17. Domingo de Bermeo.
18. Francisco de Godoy of Seville.
19. Francisco de Vergara of Seville.
20. Francisco of Aranda.
21. Francisco Henao of Avila.
22. Francisco Jimenes of Seville.
23. Gabriel Baraona of Belmonte.
24. Gonzalo Fernandez of Sego-
via.
25. Gonzalo Fernandez of Leon.
26. Guillelmo (Irish, native of
Galway).
27. Jorge Gonzales of Trigueros.
28. Juan de Cueva.
29. Juan Patino of La Sarena.
30. Juan del Barco of Avila.
31. Pedro Carbacho of Cáceres.
32. Pedro of Tala vera.
33. Sebastian of Majorca.
34. Tallarte (Alard?) of Lajes
(an Englishman).
35. Diego de Torpa.
36. Francisco Fernandez.
37. Hernando de Porcuna.
38. Juan de Urminga.
39. Juan de Morcillo.
40. Juan de Villar.
41. Juan de Mendoza.
42. Martin de Logrosan.
43. Pedro de Foronda.
44. Tristan de San Jorge.
The names are given in a document printed by Navarrete ; which
is a notice to the next of kin to apply for wages due, dated Burgos,
December 20th, 1507. Oviedo and Herrera say that a surgeon named
Maestre Juan was also left behind
L
I46 MISCONDUCT OF THE CAPTAIN OF THE "PINTA".
acquainted with artillery, a cooper, a physician, and a
tailor, all being seamen as well.1
Thursday, 3rd of January.
The Admiral did not go to-day, because three of the
Indians whom he had brought from the islands, and who
had staid behind, arrived, and said that the others with
their women would be there at sunrise.2 The sea also was
rather rough, so that they could not land from the boat.
He determined to depart to-morrow, with the grace of God.
The Admiral said that if he had the caravel Pinta with
him he could make sure of shipping a ton of gold, because
he could then follow the coasts of these islands, which he
would not do alone, for fear some accident might impede
his return to Castille, and prevent him from reporting all
he had discovered to the Sovereigns. If it was certain
that the caravel Pinta would arrive safely in Spain with
Martin Alonso Pinzon, he would not hesitate to act as he
desired ; but as he had no certain tidings of him, and as
he might return and tell lies to the Sovereigns, that he
might not receive the punishment he deserved for having
done so much harm in having parted company without
permission, and impeded the good service that might have
been done ; the Admiral could only trust in our Lord that
he would grant favourable weather, and remedy all things.
Friday, ^th of January.
At sunrise the Admiral weighed the anchor, with little
wind, and turned her head N.W. to get clear of the reef,
by another channel wider than the one by which he
1 Herrera gives the farewell speech of the Admiral to those who
were left behind at Navidad. {Dec. I, Lib. I, cap. xx.)
2 Las Casas says that the Admiral brought ten or twelve Indians to
Castille with him. {Ibid., I, p. 419.)
MONTE CRISTI. 147
entered, which, with others, is very good for coming in
front of the Villa de la Navidad, in all which the least
depth is from 3 to 9 fathoms. These two channels run
N.W. and S.E., and the reefs are long, extending from the
Cabo Santo to the Cabo de Sicrpe for more than six
leagues, and then a good three leagues out to sea. At a
league outside Cabo Santo there are not more than 8
fathoms of depth, and inside that cape, on the east side,
there are many sunken rocks, and channels to enter between
them. All this coast trends N.W. and S.E., and it is all
beach, with the land very level for about a quarter of a
league inland. After that distance there are very high
mountains, and the whole is peopled with a very good
race, as they showed themselves to the Christians. Thus
the Admiral navigated to the east, shaping a course for a
very high mountain, which looked like an island, but is
not one, being joined to the mainland by a very low neck.
The mountain has the shape of a very beautiful tent.1 He
gave it the name of Monte Cristi. It is due east of Cabo
Santo, at a distance of 18 leagues.2 That day, owing to
the light wind, they could not reach within six leagues of
Monte Cristi. He discovered four very low and sandy
islets,3 with a reef extending N.W. and S.E. Inside, there
is a large gulf,4 which extends from this mountain to the
S.E. at least twenty leagues,5 which must all be shallow,
with many sand-banks, and inside numerous rivers which
are not navigable. At the same time the sailor who was
sent in the canoe to get tidings of the Pinta reported that '
1 Alfaneque ; which Las Casas explains as Tie7ida de Campo.
Hazard {Santo Domingo, 1873, p. 352) says it is called the Morro,
and La Grange (the barn), "name given by Columbus". Alfaneque
means a booth or tent, not a barn.
2 It is N. 80° E. 70 leagues. — N.
3 Los siete Hermanos. — N. 4 Bahia de Manzanillo. — N.
5 Should be S.W. three leagues.
L 2
148 MONTE CRISTI.
he saw a river1 into which ships might enter. The Admiral
anchored at a distance of six leagues'2 from Monte Cristi, in
19 fathoms, and so kept clear of many rocks and reefs.
Here he remained for the night. The Admiral gives
notice to those who would go to the Villa de la Navidad
that, to make Monte Cristi, he should stand off the land
two leagues, etc. (But as the coast is now known it is not
given here.) The Admiral concluded that Cipango was
in that island, and that it contained much gold, spices,
mastick, and rhubarb.
Saturday, $t/i of January.
At sunrise the Admiral made sail with the land-breeze,
and saw that to the S.S.E.3 of Monte Cristi, between it
and an island, there seemed to be a good port to anchor
in that night. He shaped an E.S.E. course, afterwards
S.S.E., for six leagues round the high land, and found
a depth of 17 fathoms, with a very clean bottom, going on
for three leagues with the same soundings. Afterwards it
shallowed to 12 fathoms up to the morro of the mountain,
and off the morro, at one league, the depth of 9 fathoms
was found, the bottom clean, and all fine sand. The
Admiral followed the same course until he came between
the mountain and the island,4 where he found 3 J fathoms
at low water, a very good port, and here he anchored.5
He went in the boat to the islet, where he found remains of
fire and footmarks, showing that fishermen had been there.
1 Rio Tapion, in the Bahia de Manzanillo. — N.
2 A mistake for three leagues.
3 Should be W.S.W.
4 Islã Cabra.
5 Anchorage of Monte Cristi. It is now a depot for receiving
mahogany and other woods from the neighbouring country, to be
shipped in small schooners to Puerto Plata. At one time it was a
much more important place. {Hazard, p. 353.)
MONTE CRISTI. 149
Here they saw many stones painted in colours, or a
quarry of such stones, very beautifully worked by nature,
suited for the building of a church or other public work,
like those he found on the island of San Salvador. On this
islet he also found many plants of mastick. He says that
this Monte Cristi is very fine and high, but accessible, and
of a very beautiful shape, all the land round it being low,
a very fine plain, from which the height rises, looking at a
distance like an island disunited from other land.1 Beyond
the mountain, to the east, he saw a cape at a distance of
24 miles, which he named Cabo del Beeerro,2 whence to the
mountain for two leagues there are reefs of rocks, though
it appeared as if there were navigable channels between
them. It would, however, be advisable to approach in
daylight, and to send a boat ahead to sound. From the
mountain eastward to Cabo del Becerro, for four leagues,
there is a beach, and the land is low, but the rest is very
high, with beautiful mountains and some cultivation. In-
land, a chain of mountains runs N.E. and S.W., the most
beautiful he had seen, appearing like the hills of Cordova.
Some other very lofty mountains appear in the distance
towards the south and S.E., and very extensive green
valleys with large rivers : all this in such quantity that he
did not believe he had exaggerated a thousandth part.
Afterwards he saw, to the eastward of the mountain,
a land which appeared like that of Monte Cristi in size
and beauty. Further to the east and N.E. there is land
which is not so high, extending for some hundred miles
or near it.
Sunday, 6t/i of January.
That port is sheltered from all winds, except north and
N.W., and these winds seldom blow in this region. Even
1 Las Casas says that this is an accurate description.
- Punta Rucia.
I50 THE "PINTA" REJOINS.
when the wind is from those quarters, shelter may be
found near the islet in 3 or 4 fathoms. At sunset the
Admiral made sail to proceed along the coast, the course
being east, except that it is necessary to look out for
several reefs of stone and sand, within which there are
good anchorages, with channels leading to them. After
noon it blew fresh from the east. The Admiral ordered
a sailor to go to the mast-head to look out for reefs, and
he saw the caravel Pinta coming, with the wind aft, and
she joined the Admiral. As there was no place to anchor,
owing to the rocky bottom, the Admiral returned for ten
leagues to Monte Cristi, with the Pinta in company.
Martin Alonso Pinzon came on board the caravel Nina,
where the Admiral was, and excused himself by saying
that he had parted company against his will, giving
reasons for it. But the Admiral says that they were all
false ; and that on the night when Pinzon parted company
he was influenced by pride and covetousness. He could
not understand whence had come the insolence and dis-
loyalty with which Pinzon had treated him during the
voyage. The Admiral had taken no notice, because he
did not wish to give place to the evil works of Satan, who
desired to impede the voyage. It appeared that one of
the Indians, who had been put on board the caravel by
the Admiral with others, had said that there was much
gold in an island called Baneque, and, as Pinzon's vessel
was light and swift, he determined to go there, parting
company with the Admiral, who wished to remain and
explore the coasts of Juana and Espaiiola, with an easterly
course. When Martin Alonso arrived at the island of
Baneqtie he found no gold. He then went to the coast of
Espaiiola, on information from the Indians that there was
a great quantity of gold and many mines in that island of
Espaiiola, which the Indians call BoJiio. He thus arrived
near the Villa dc Navidad, about 1 5 leagues from it,
NEWS OF OTHER ISLANDS. 151
having then been absent more than twenty days, so that
the news brought by the Indians was correct, on account
of which the King Guacanagari sent a canoe, and the
Admiral put a sailor on board ; but the Pinta must have
gone before the canoe arrived. The Admiral says that
the Pinta obtained much gold by barter, receiving large
pieces the size of two ringers in exchange for a needle.
Martin Alonso took half, dividing the other half among
the crew. The Admiral then says : " Thus I am con-
vinced that our Lord miraculously caused that vessel to
remain here, this being the best place in the whole island
to form a settlement, and the nearest to the gold mines."
He also says that he knew " of another great island,1 to
the south of the island of Juana, in which there is more
gold than in this island, so that they collect it in bits the
size of beans, while in Espanola they find the pieces the
size of grains of corn.2 They call that island Yaniaye.
The Admiral also heard of an island further east, in which
there were only women, having been told this by many
people. He was also informed that Yaniaye and the
island of Espanola were ten days' journey in a canoe from
the mainland, which would be about 70 or 80 leagues, and
that there the people wore clothes.
Monday, Jth of January.
This day the Admiral took the opportunity of caulking
the caravel, and the sailors were sent to cut wood. They
found mastick and aloes in abundance.
1 Jamaica.
2 Las Casas says that the pieces were even as large as a loaf of
bread of Alcalá, or as a quarter loaf of Valladolid, and that he had
seen them of that size. He adds that many are found weighing a
pound to eight pounds in Espanola
152 INSUBORDINATION OF THE PINZONS.
Tuesday, Zth of January.
As the wind was blowing fresh from the east and S.E.,
the Admiral did not get under weigh this morning. He
ordered the caravel to be filled up with wood and water
and with all other necessaries for the voyage. He wished
to explore all the coast of Espanola in this direction. But
those he appointed to the caravels as captains were
brothers, namely, Martin Alonso Pinzon and Vicente
Anes. They also had followers who were filled with pride
and avarice, considering that all now belonged to them,
and unmindful of the honour the Admiral had done them.
They had not and did not obey his orders, but did and said
many unworthy things against him ; while Martin Alonso
had deserted him from the 21st of November until the 6th
of January without cause or reason, but from disaffection.
All these things had been endured in silence by the
Admiral in order to secure a good end to the voyage. He
determined to return as quickly as possible, to get rid of
such an evil company, with whom he thought it necessary
to dissimulate, although they were a mutinous set, and
though he also had with him many good men ; for it was
not a fitting time for dealing out punishment.
The Admiral got into the boat and went up the river1
which is near, towards the S.S.W. of Monte Cristi, a good
league. This is where the sailors went to get fresh water
for the ships. He found that the sand at the mouth of the
river, which is very large and deep, was full of very fine
gold, and in astonishing quantity. The Admiral thought
that it was pulverized in the drift down the river, but in a
1 This is the large river Yaqui, which contains much gold in its
sand. It was afterwards called the " Santiago". Las Casas thinks
that Columbus may have found gold on this occasion, but that much
of what he saw was margasita. (Las Casas, i, p. 428.)
RIVER OF GOLD. 153
short time he found many grains as large as horse-beans,
while there was a great deal of the fine powder.
As the fresh water mixed with the salt when it entered
the sea, he ordered the boat to go up for the distance of a
stone's-throw. They filled the casks from the boat, and
when they went back to the caravel they found small
bits of gold sticking to the hoops of the casks and of the
barrel. The Admiral gave the name of Rio del Oro to the
river.1 Inside the bar it is very deep, though the mouth is
shallow and very wide. The distance to the Villa de la
Navidad is 17 leagues,2 and there are several large rivers
on the intervening coast, especially three which probably
contain much more gold than this one, because they are
larger. This river is nearly the size of the Guadalquivir at
Cordova, and from it to the gold mines the distance is not
more than 20 leagues.3 The Admiral further says that
he did not care to take the sand containing gold, be-
cause their Highnesses would have it all as their property
at their town of Navidad ; and because his first object was
now to bring the news and to get rid of the evil company
that was with him, whom he had always said were a
mutinous set.
Wednesday, gt/i of January.
The Admiral made sail at midnight, with the wind S.E.,
and shaped an E.N.E. course, arriving at a point named
Punta Rojaf which is 60 miles5 east of Monte Cristi,
and anchored under its lee three hours before nightfall.
1 Afterwards called the Rio de Santiago.
- This should be 8 leagues.
3 Las Casas says the distance to the mines is not 4 leagues.
4 Punta Isabelica.
5 The distance is \o\ leagues, or 42 of the Italian miles used by
Columbus.
154 MERMAIDS.
He did not venture to go out at night, because there are
many reefs, until they are known. Afterwards, if, as will
probably be the case, channels are found between them,
the anchorage, which is good and well sheltered, will be
profitable. The country between Monte Cristi and this
point where the Admiral anchored is very high land, with
beautiful plains, the range running east and west, all green
and cultivated, with numerous streams of water, so that it
is wonderful to see such beauty. In all this country there
are many turtles, and the sailors took several when they
came on shore to lay their eggs at Monte Cristi, as large
as a great wooden buckler.
On the previous day, when the Admiral went to the
Rio del Oro, he saw three mermaids,1 which rose well out
of the sea ; but they are not so beautiful as they are painted,
though to some extent they have the form of a human
face. The Admiral says that he had seen some, at other
times, in Guinea, on the coast of the Manequeta.2
1 The mermaids of Columbus are the maizatis, or sea-cows of the
Caribean Sea and great South American rivers. They are now
scarcely ever seen out at sea. Their resemblance to human beings,
when rising in the water, must have been very striking. They have
small rounded heads, and cervical vertebras which form a neck,
enabling the animal to turn its head about. The fore-limbs also,
instead of being pectoral fins, have the character of the arm and hand
of the higher mammalia. These peculiarities, and their very human
way of suckling their young, holding it by the forearm, which is
movable at the elbow-joint, suggested the idea of mermaids. The
congener of the manali, which had been seen by Columbus on the
coast of Guinea, is the dugong.
2 Las Casas has " en la costa de Guinea, donde se coja la mane-
quettC (i, 430). Amomum Melequeta, an herbaceous, reed-like plant,
three to five feet high, is found along the coast of Africa, from Sierra
Leone to the Congo. Its seeds were called " Grains of Paradise", or
maniguctta, and the coast alluded to by Columbus, between Liberia
and Cape Palmas, was hence called the Grain Coast. The grains
were used as a condiment, like pepper, and in making the spiced
wine called hippocras. At present, about 1,705 cwts. are exported,
CONDUCT OF PINZON. 155
The Admiral says that this night, in the name of our
Lord, he would set out on his homeward voyage without
any further delay whatever, for he had found what he
sought, and he did not wish to have further cause of offence
with Martin Alonso until their Highnesses should know
the news of the voyage and what had been done. After-
wards he says, " I will not suffer the deeds of evil-disposed
persons, with little worth, who, without respect for him to
whom they owe their positions, presume to set up their
own wills with little ceremony."
Thursday, loth of January.
He departed from the place where he had anchored, and
at sunset he reached a river, to which he gave the name of
Rio de Gracia, three leagues to the S.E. He came to at
the mouth,1 where there is good anchorage on the east
side. There is a bar with no more than two fathoms of
water, and very narrow across the entrance. It is a good
and well-sheltered port, except that there it is often misty,
owing to which the caraval Pinta, under Martin Alonso,
received a good deal of damage. He had been here
bartering for 16 days, and got much gold, which was
what Martin Alonso wanted. As soon as he heard from
the Indians that the Admiral was on the coast of the same
island of Espanola, and that he could not avoid him,
Pinzon came to him. He wanted all the people of the
ship to swear that he had not been there more than six
days. But his treachery was so public that it could not be
concealed. He had made a law that half of all the gold
that was collected was his. When he left this port he
chiefly from Cape Coast Castle and Accra ; used in cattle medicines
and to give pungency to cordials. See H anbury's Pharmacographia,
p. 590.
1 Rio Chuzona chica. — N.
156 MONTE DE PLATA.
took four men and two girls by force. But the Admiral
ordered that they should be clothed and put on shore to
return to their homes. " This", the Admiral says, " is a
service of your Highnesses. For all the men and women
are subjects of your Highnesses, as well in this island as in
the others. Here, where your Highnesses already have a
settlement, the people ought to be treated with honour and
favour, seeing that this island has so much gold and such
good spice-yielding lands."
Friday, 1 1 th of January.
At midnight the Admiral left the Rio de Gracia with
the land-breeze, and steered eastward until he came to a
cape named Belprado, at a distance of four leagues. To
the S.E. is the mountain to which he gave the name of
Monte de Plata} eight leagues distant. Thence from the
cape Belprado to E.S.E. is the point named Angel, eighteen
leagues distant ; and from this point to the Monte de
Plata there is a gulf, with the most beautiful lands in the
world, all high and fine lands which extend far inland.
Beyond there is a range of high mountains running east and
west, very grand and beautiful. At the foot of this mountain
there is a very good port,2 with 14 fathoms in the entrance.
The mountain is very high and beautiful, and all the country
is well peopled. The Admiral believed there must be fine
rivers and much gold. At a distance of 4 leagues E.S.E.
1 So called because the summit is always covered with white or
silver clouds. A monastery of Dominicans was afterwards built on
Monte de Plata, in which Las Casas began to write his history of the
Indies in the year 1527. {Las Casas, iv, p. 254.)
2 Puerto de Plata, where a flourishing seaport town was afterwards
established ; founded by Ovanda in 1502. It had fallen to decay in
1606. In 1822 it was again a flourishing place, but was destroyed by
the Spaniards in 1865.
SAMANA IN SIGHT. 157
of Catib del Angel there is a cape named Punia del Hierro}
and on the same course, 4 more leagues, a point is reached
named Punia Secar Thence, 6 leagues further on, is Cabo
Redondo? and further on Cabo Frances, where a large bay4
is formed, but there did not appear to be anchorage in it.
A league further on is Cabo del Buen Tiempo, and thence,
a good league S.S.E., is Cabo Tajado.5 Thence, to the
south, another cape was sighted at a distance of about
15 leagues. To-day great progress was made, as wind and
tide were favourable. The Admiral did not venture to
anchor for fear of the rocks, so he was hove-to all night.
Saturday, \2tJ1 of January.
Towards dawn the Admiral filled and shaped a course
to the east with a fresh wind, running 20 miles before day-
light, and in two hours afterwards 24 miles. Thence he saw-
land to the south,6 and steered towards it, distant 48 miles.
During the night he must have run 28 miles N.N.E., to
keep the vessels out of danger. When he saw the land, he
named one cape that he saw Cabo de Padre y Hijo, because
at the east point there are two rocks, one larger than the
other." Afterwards, at two leagues to the eastward, he saw
a very fine bay between two grand mountains. He saw
that it was a very large port with a very good approach ; but,
as it was very early in the morning, and as the greater part
of the time it was blowing from the east, and then they
had a N.N.W. breeze, he did not wish to delay any more.
1 Punta Macuris. The distance is 3, not 4 leagues. — N.
2 Punta Sesua. The distance is only one league. — N.
3 Cabo de la Roca. It should be 5, not 6 leagues. — N.
4 Bahia Escocesa.
5 Las Casas says that none of these names were retained, even in
his time.
6 This was the Peninsula of Samana. 7 Isla Yazual. — N.
158 BAY OF SAMANA.
He continued his course to the east as far as a very high
and beautiful cape, all of scarped rock, to which he gave
the name of Cabo del Enamorado} which was 32 miles to
the east of the port named Puerto Sacro? On rounding
the cape, another finer and loftier point came in sight,3
like Cape St. Vincent in Portugal, 12 miles east of Cabo
del Enamorado. As soon as he was abreast of the Cabo
del Enamorado, the Admiral saw that there was a great
bay4 between this and the next point, three leagues across,
and in the middle of it a small island.'' The depth is
great at the entrance close to the land. He anchored
here in twelve fathoms, and sent the boat on shore for
water, and to see if intercourse could be opened with the
natives, but they all fled. He also anchored to ascertain
whether this was all one land with the island of Espanola,
and to make sure that this was a gulf, and not a channel,
forming another island. He remained astonished at the
great size of Espanola.
Sunday, \^th of January.
The Admiral did not leave the port, because there was
no land-breeze with which to go out. He wished to shift
to another better port, because this was rather exposed.
He also wanted to wait, in that haven, the conjunction of
the sun and moon, which would take place on the 17th of
this month, and their opposition with Jupiter and conjunc-
tion with Mercury, the sun being in opposition to Jupiter,6
1 Cabro Cabron, or Lover's Cape ; the extreme N.E. point of the
sland, rising nearly 2,000 feet above the sea.
2 Puerto Yaqueron.
3 Cabo Samana ; called Cabo de San Theramo afterwards by
Columbus.
4 The Bay ol Samana. 5 Cayo de Levantados.
6 Las Casas thinks that the text is here corrupt, owing to the
mistakes of the transcriber from the book of the navigation of the
NATIVES OF SAMANA. I 59
which is the cause of high winds. He sent the boat on
shore to a beautiful beach to obtain yams for food. They
found some men with bows and arrows, with whom they
stopped to speak, buying two bows and many arrows from
them. They asked one of them to come on board the
caravel and see the Admiral ; who says that he was very
wanting in reverence, more so than any native he had yet
seen. His face was all stained with charcoal, but in all
parts there is the custom of painting the body different
colours. He wore his hair very long, brought together and
fastened behind, and put into a small net of parrots'
feathers.1 He was naked, like all the others. The Admiral
supposed that he belonged to the Caribs,2 who eat men,
and that the gulf he had seen yesterday formed this part
of the land into an island by itself. The Admiral asked
about the Caribs, and he pointed to the east, near at hand,
which means that he saw the Admiral yesterday before he
entered the bay. The Indian said there was much gold to
the east, pointing to the poop of the caravel, which was a
good size, meaning that there were pieces as large. He
called gold tuob, and did not understand caoua,3 as they
call it in the first part of the island that was visited, nor
nozay, the name in San Salvador and the other islands.
Copper is called tuob in Espanola. He also spoke of
Admiral (i, p. 433). Doubtless, stormy weather was predicted under
the above conditions in the Old World, in some almanack on board,
and Columbus prudently considered whether he would wait a few
days to see if similar causes produced like effects in the New World.
He, however, did not wait until the 17th.
1 Las Casas says that the Ciguayos wore their hair in this
way.
2 According to Las Casas, these were not Caribs, for no Caribs
were ever settled in Espanola.
3 Caona is the name for gold in the greater part of Espanola, but
there were two or three dialects.
1 6o NATIVES OF SAM AN A.
the island of Goam'n,1 where there was much tuob. The
Admiral says that he had received notices of these islands
from many persons ; that in the other islands the natives
were in great fear of the Canos, called by some of them
Canzba, but in Espanola Carib. He thought they must be
an audacious race, for they go to all these islands and eat
the people they can capture. He understood a few words,
and the Indians who were on board comprehended more,
there being a difference in the languages owing to the
great distance between the various islands. The Admiral
ordered that the Indian should be fed, and given pieces of
green and red cloth, and glass beads, which they like very
much, and then sent on shore. He was told to bring gold
if he had any, and it was believed that he had, from some
small things he brought with him. When the boat reached
the shore there were fifty-five men behind the trees, naked,
and with very long hair,2 as the women wear it in Castille.
Behind the head they wore plumes of feathers of parrots
and other birds, and each man carried a bow. The Indian
landed, and signed to the others to put down their bows
and arrows, and a piece of a staff, which is like ,3
very heavy, carried instead of a sword.4 As soon as they
came to the boat the crew landed, and began to buy the
bows and arrows and other arms, in accordance with an
order of the Admiral. Having sold two bows, they did
1 Las Casas says that Goani?i was not the name of an island, but
the word for base gold {oro bajo ?).
2 These were the Ciguayos, according to Las Casas, who inhabited
the mountains and coasts of the north of Espanola from nearly as far
as Puerto de Plata to Higney.
3 A gap in the original manuscript.
4 This is the maçaria, made of palm-wood, and very hard. Las
Casas says that these wooden swords are very hard and heavy. They
are not sharp, but two fingers thick on all sides, and with one blow
they will cleave through a helmeted head to the brain (i p. 455).
ENCOUNTER WITH SAM ANA NATIVES. l6l
not want to give more, but began to attack the Spaniards,
and to take hold of them. They were running back to
pick up their bows and arrows where they had laid them
aside, and took cords in their hands to bind the boat's
crew. Seeing them rushing down, and being prepared — ■
for the Admiral always warned them to be on their guard
— the Spaniards attacked the Indians, and gave one a stab
with a knife in the buttocks, wounding another in the
breast with an arrow. Seeing that they could gain little,
although the Christians were only seven and they num-
bered over fifty, they fled, so that none were left, throwing
bows and arrows away. The Christians would have killed
many, if the pilot, who was in command, had not pre-
vented them. The Spaniards presently returned to the
caravel with the boat. The Admiral regretted the affair
for one reason, and was pleased for another. They would
have fear of the Christians, and they were no doubt
an ill-conditioned people, probably Caribs, who eat men.
But the Admiral felt alarm lest they should do some
harm to the 39 men left in the fortress and town of
Navidad, in the event of their coming here in their boat.
Even if they are not Caribs, they are a neighbouring
people, with similar habits, and fearless, unlike the other
inhabitants of the island, who are timid, and without arms.
The Admiral says all this, and adds that he would have
liked to have captured some of them. He says that they
lighted many smoke signals, as is the custom in this
island of Espanola.
Monday, 14Í/1 of January.
This evening the Admiral wished to find the houses of
the Indians and to capture some of them, believing them
to be Caribs. For, owing to the strong east and north-east
winds and the heavy sea, he had remained during the day.
Many Indians were seen on shore. The Admiral, thcrc-
M
1 62 THE VESSELS LEAKING.
fore, ordered the boat to be sent on shore, with the crew
well armed. Presently the Indians came to the stern of
the boat, including the man who had been on board the
day before, and had received presents from the Admiral.
With him there came a king, who had given to the said
Indian some beads in token of safety and peace for the
boat's crew. This king, with three of his followers, went
on board the boat and came to the caravel. The Admiral
ordered them to be given biscuit and treacle to eat, and
gave the chief a red cap, some beads, and a piece of red
cloth. The others were also given pieces of cloth. The
chief said that next day he would bring a mask made of
gold, affirming that there was much here, and in Carib1
and Matininor They afterwards went on shore well
satisfied.
The Admiral here says that the caravels were making
much water, which entered by the keel ; and he complains
of the caulkers at Palos, who caulked the vessels very
badly, and ran away when they saw that the Admiral had
detected the badness of their work, and intended to oblige
them to repair the defect. But, notwithstanding that the
caravels were making much water, he trusted in the favour
and mercy of our Lord, for his high Majesty well knew
how much controversy there was before the expedition
could be despatched from Castille, that no one was in the
Admiral's favour save Him alone who knew his heart, and
after God came your Highnesses, while all others were
against him without any reason. He further says : "And
this has been the cause that the royal crown of your
Highnesses has not a hundred cuentos of revenue more
than after I entered your service, which is seven years ago
in this very month, the 20th of January.3 The increase
1 Puerto Rico. 2 Probably Martinique or Guadaloupe.
3 By this calculation the Admiral entered the service of the Catholic
Sovereigns on January 20th, i486.
INTENDED VISIT TO OTHER ISLANDS. l6$
will take place from now onwards. For the almighty God
will remedy all things." These are his words,
Tuesday, i^tli of January.
The Admiral now wished to depart, for there was nothing
to be gained by further delay, after these occurrences and
the tumult with the Indians. To-day he had heard that
all the gold was in the district of the town of Navidad,
belonging to their Highnesses; and that in the island of
Caribx there was much copper, as well as in Matinino.
The intercourse at Carib would, however, be difficult,
because the natives are said to eat human flesh. Their
island would be in sight from thence, and the Admiral
determined to go there, as it was on the route, and thence
to Matinino, which was said to be entirely peopled by
women, without men. He would thus see both islands, and
might take some of the natives. The Admiral sent the boat
on shore, but the king of that district had not come, for his
village was distant. He, however, sent his crown of gold,
as he had promised ; and many other natives came with
cotton, and bread made from yams, all with their bows and
arrows. After the bartering was finished, four youths
came to the caravel. They appeared to the Admiral to
give such a clear account of the islands to the eastward,
on the same route as the Admiral would have to take, that
he determined to take them to Castille with him. He
says that they had no iron nor other metals ; at least none
was seen, but it was impossible to know much of the land
in so short a time, owing to the difficulty with the language,
which the Admiral could not understand except by
guessing, nor could they know what was said to them, in
such .a few days. The bows of these people are as large
as those of France or England. The arrows are similar to
1 Puerto Rico.
M 2
1 64 ARMS OF THE NATIVES.
the darts of the natives who have been met with previously,
which are made of young canes, which grow very straight,
and a vara and a half or two varas in length. They point
them with a piece of sharp wood, a palmo and a half long,
and at the end some of them fix a fish's tooth, but most of
them anoint it with an herb. They do not shoot as in
other parts, but in a certain way which cannot do much
harm. Here they have a great deal of fine and long
cotton, and plenty of mastick. The bows appeared to be
of yew, and there is gold and copper. There is also plenty
of aji} which is their pepper, which is more valuable than
pepper, and all the people eat nothing else, it being very
wholesome. Fifty caravels might be annually loaded with
it from Espanola. The Admiral says that he found a
great deal of weed in this bay, the same as was met with
at sea when he came on this discovery. He therefore
supposed that there were islands to the eastward, in the
direction of the position where he began to meet with it;
for he considers it certain that this weed has its origin in
shallow water near the land, and, if this is the case, these
Indies must be very near the Canary Islands. For this
reason he thought the distance must be less than 400
leagues.
Wednesday, 16th of January.
They got under weigh three hours before daylight, and
left the gulf, which was named Golfo de las Flechas? with
the land-breeze. Afterwards there was a west wind, which
was fair to go to the island of Carlo on an E.N.E. course.
This was where the people live of whom all the natives of
the other islands are so frightened, because they roam
over the sea in canoes without number, and eat the men
1 Capsicum. In Quichua it is called uchii.
- Gulf of the Arrows. This was the Bay of Samafta, into which the
river Yuna flows.
HOMEWARD BOUND. I 6$
they can capture. The Admiral steered the course indi-
cated by one of the four Indians he took yesterday in the
Puerto de las Flechas. After having sailed about 64 miles,
the Indians made signs that the island was to the S.E.1
The Admiral ordered the sails to be trimmed for that
course, but, after having proceeded on it for two leagues,
the wind freshened from a quarter which was very favour-
able for the voyage to Spain. The Admiral had noticed
that the crew were downhearted when he deviated from
the direct route home, reflecting that both caravels were
leaking badly, and that there was no help but in God.
He therefore gave up the course leading to the islands,
and shaped a direct course for Spain E.N.E. He sailed
on this course, making 48 miles, which is 12 leagues, by
sunset. The Indians said that by that route they would
fall in with the island of Matiniiw, peopled entirely by
women without men, and the Admiral wanted very much
to take five or six of them to the Sovereigns. But he
doubted whether the Indians understood the route well,
and he could not afford to delay, by reason of the leaky
condition of the caravels. He, however, believed the story,
and that, at certain seasons, men came to them from the
island of Carib, distant ten or twelve leagues. If males
were born, they were sent to the island of the men ; and if
females, they remained with their mothers. The Admiral
says that these two islands cannot have been more than
1 5 or 20 leagues to the S.E. from where he altered course,
the Indians not understanding how to point out the direc-
tion. After losing sight of the cape, which was named
San Theramo? which was left 16 leagues to the west, they
went for 12 leagues E.N.E. The weather was very fine.
1 Puerto Rico. It would have been distant about 30 leagues.
2 Now called Cabo del Engano, the extreme eastern point of
Espahola. It had the same name when Las Casas wrote.
1 66 HOMEWARD BOUND.
Thursday, lyth of January.
The wind went down at sunset yesterday, the caravels
having sailed 14 glasses, each a little less than half-an-
hour, at 4 miles an hour, making 28 miles. Afterwards
the wind freshened, and they ran all that watch, which
was 10 glasses. Then another six until sunrise at 8 miles
an hour, thus making altogether 84 miles, equal to 21
leagues, to the E.N.E., and until sunset 44 miles, or 1 1
leagues, to the east. Here a booby came to the caravel,
and afterwards another. The Admiral saw a great deal of
gulf-weed.
Friday, iStk of January.
During the night they steered E.S.E., with little wind,
for 40 miles, equal to 10 leagues, and then 30 miles, or
yh leagues, until sunrise. All day they proceeded with
little wind to E.N.E. and N.E. by E., more or less, her
head being sometimes north and at others N.N.E., and,
counting one with the other, they made 60 miles, or 15
leagues. There was little weed, but yesterday and to-day
the sea appeared to be full of tunnies. The Admiral
believed that they were on their way to the tunny-fisheries
of the Duke, at Conil and Cadiz.1 He also thought they
were near some islands, because a frigate-bird flew round
the caravel, and afterwards went away to the S.S.E. He
said that to the S.E. of the island of Espanola were the
islands of Caria, Matinino, and many others.
1 The Duke here alluded to was the redoubtable warrior, Don
Rodrigo Ponce de Leon, conqueror of Zahara and Alhama, and one
of the chief leaders in the war with Granada. Henry IV created him
Marquis of Cadiz in 1470, and he was also made Duke of Cadiz. He
died in the end of August 1492. soon after the departure of Columbus.
The Crown then resumed the dukedom of Cadiz, and his grandson
and successor was created Duke of Arcos instead. The almadrai'as,
or tunny fisheries of Rota, near Cadiz, were inherited by the Duke,
as well as those of Conil, a little fishing town 6 leagues east of Cadiz.
HOMEWARD BOUND. 1 67
Saturday, igt/i of January.
During the night they made good 56 miles N.N.E., and
64 N.E. by N. After sunrise they steered N.E. with the
wind fresh from S.W., and afterwards W.S.W. 84 miles,
equal to 21 leagues. The sea was again full of small
tunnies. There were boobies, frigate-birds, and terns.
Sunday, 20th of January.
It was calm during the night, with occasional slants of
wind, and they only made 20 miles to the N.E. After
sunrise they went 1 1 miles S.E., and then 36 miles
N.N.E., equal to 9 leagues. They saw an immense
quantity of small tunnies, the air very soft and pleasant,
like Seville in April or Ma}-, and the sea, for which God
be given many thanks, always very smooth. Frigate-
birds, sandpipers, and other birds were seen.
Monday, 21st of January.
Yesterday, before sunset, they steered N.E. b, E., with
the wind east, at the rate of 8 miles an hour until mid-
night, equal to 56 miles. Afterwards they steered N.N.E.
8 miles an hour, so that they made 104 miles, or 26
leagues, during the night N.E. by N. After sunrise they
steered N.N.E. with the same wind, which at times veered
to N.E., and they made good 88 miles in the eleven hours
of daylight, or 21 leagues: except one that was lost by
delay caused by closing with the Pinta to communicate.
The air was colder, and it seemed to get colder as they
went further north, and also that the nights grew longer
owing to the narrowing of the sphere. Many boatswain-
birds and terns were seen, as well as other birds, but not
so many fish, perhaps owing to the water being colder.
Much weed was seen.
168 BAD SAILING OF THE " PINTA".
Tuesday, 22nd of January.
Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N.N.E. with an
east wind. They made 8 miles an hour during five glasses,
and three before the watch began, making eight glasses,
equal to 72 miles, or 18 leagues. Afterwards they went
N.E. by N. for six glasses, which would be another 18
miles. Then, during four glasses of the second watch N.E.
at six miles an hour, or three leagues. From that time to
sunset, for eleven glasses, E.N.E. at 6 leagues an hour,1
equal to seven leagues. Then E.N.E. until 11 o'clock, 32
miles. Then the wind fell, and they made no more during
that day. The Indians swam about. They saw boat-
swain-birds and much weed.
Wednesday, 2yd of January.
To-night the wind was very changeable, but, making the
allowances applied by good sailors, they made 84 miles, or
21 leagues, N.E. by N. Many times the caravel Nina had
to wait for the Pinta, because she sailed badly when on a
bowline, the mizen being of little use owing to the weak-
ness of the mast. If her captain, Martin Alonso Pinzon,
had taken the precaution to provide her with a good mast
in the Indies, where there are so many and such excellent
spars, instead of deserting his commander from motives of
avarice, he would have done better. They saw many
boatswain-birds and much weed. The heavens have been
clouded over during these last days, but there has been no
rain. The sea has been as smooth as a river, for which
many thanks be given to God. After sunrise they went
1 An error of the transcriber for miles. Other figures have been
wrongly copied. Each glass being half-an-hour, going six miles an
hour, they would have made 35 miles in five hours and a halfi— N.
HOMEWARD BOUND. 169
free, and made 30 miles, or 7I- leagues N.E. During the
rest of the day E.N.E. another 30 miles.
Thursday, 2<\tli of January.
They made 44 miles, or 1 1 leagues, during the night,
allowing for many changes in the wind, which was
generally N.E. After sunrise until sunset E.N.E. 14
leagues.
Friday, 2$th of January.
They steered during part of the night E.N.E. for 13
glasses, making g}£ leagues. Then N.N.E. 6 miles. The
wind fell, and during the day they only made 28 miles
E.N.E., or 7 leagues. The sailors killed a tunny and a
very large shark, which was very welcome, as they now
had nothing but bread and wine, and some yams from the
Indies.
Saturday, 26th of January.
This night they made 56 miles, or 14 leagues, E.S.E.
After sunrise they steered E.S.E., and sometimes S.E.,
making 40 miles up to n o'clock. Afterwards they went
on another tack, and then on a bowline, 24 miles, or
6 leagues, to the north, until night.
Sunday, 27th of January.
Yesterday, after sunset, they steered N.E. and N.E.
by N. at the rate of five miles an hour, which in thirteen
hours would be 65 miles, or \6\ leagues. After sunrise
they steered N.E. 24 miles, or 6 leagues, until noon, and
from that time until sunset 3 leagues E.N.E.
Monday, 2%th of January.
All night they steered E.N.E. 36 miles, or 9 leagues.
After sunrise until sunset E.N.E. 20 miles, or 5 leagues.
I/O HOMEWARD BOUND.
The weather was temperate and pleasant. They saw boat-
swain-birds, sandpipers, and much weed.
Tuesday, 2gth of January.
They steered E.N.E. 39 miles, or gl leagues, and during
the whole day 8 leagues. The air was very pleasant, like
April in Castille, the sea smooth, and fish they call
dorados came on board.
Wednesday, ystli of January.
All this night they made 6 leagues E.N.E. , and in the
day S.E. by S. 13A leagues. Boatswain-birds, much weed,
and many tunnies.
Thursday, 31st of January.
This night they steered N.E. by N. 30 miles, and after-
wards N.E. 35 miles, or 16 leagues. From sunrise to
night E.N.E. 1 3 J leagues. They saw boatswain-birds and
terns.
Friday, 1st of February.
They made 16Í leagues E.N.E. during the night, and
went on the same course during the day 2g\ leagues.
The sea very smooth, thanks be to God.
Saturday, 2nd of February.
They made 40 miles, or 10 leagues, E.N.E. this night.
In the daytime, with the same wind aft, they went 7 miles
an hour, so that in eleven hours they had gone yy miles, or
\ gl leagues. The sea was very smooth, thanks be to God,
and the air very soft. They saw the sea so covered with
weed that, if they had not known about it before, they
would have been fearful of sunken rocks. They saw
terns.
HOMEWARD BOUND. 171
Sunday, yd of February.
This night, the wind being aft and the sea very smooth,
thanks be to God, they made 29 leagues. The North Star
appeared very high, as it does off Cape St. Vincent. The
Admiral was unable to take the altitude, either with the
astrolabe or with the quadrant, because the rolling caused
by the waves prevented it. That day he steered his course
E.N.E., going 10 miles an hour, so that in eleven hours he
made 27 leagues.
Monday, ^th of February.
During the night the course was N.E. by E., going twelve
miles an hour part of the time, and the rest ten miles.
Thus they made 130 miles, or 32 leagues and a half. The
sky was very threatening and rainy, and it was rather cold,
by which they knew that they had not yet reached the
Azores. After sunrise the course was altered to east.
During the whole day they made JJ miles, or 19J leagues.
Tuesday, $th of February.
This night they steered east, and made 55 miles, or 13Í
leagues. In the day they were going ten miles an hour,
and in eleven hours made 1 10 miles, or 27^- leagues. They
saw sandpipers, and some small sticks, a sign that they
were near land.
Wednesday, 6th of February.
They steered east during the night, going at the rate of
eleven miles an hour, so that in the thirteen hours of the
night they made 143 miles, or 35} leagues. They -saw
many birds. In the day they went 14 miles an hour, and
made 154 miles, or 38} leagues; so that, including night
and day, they made 74 leagues, more or less. Vicente
172 HOMEWARD BOUND.
Anes1 said that they had left the island of Flores to the
north and Madeira to the east. Roldan said that the
island of Fayal, or San Gregório, was to the N.N.E. and
Puerto Santo to east. There was much weed.
Thursday, Jth of February.
This night they steered east, going ten miles an hour,
so that in thirteen hours they made 130 miles, or 32^
leagues. In the daytime the rate was eight miles an
hour, in eleven hours 88 miles, or 22 leagues. This
morning the Admiral found himself 65 leagues south of
the island of Flores, and the pilot Pedro Alonso, being
further north, according to his reckoning, passed between
Terceira and Santa Maria to the east, passing to windward
of the island of Madeira, twelve leagues further north.
The sailors saw a new kind of weed, of which there is
plenty in the islands of the Azores.
Friday, 8/// of February.
They went three miles an hour to the eastward for some
time during the night, and afterwards E.S.E., going twelve
miles an hour. From sunrise to noon they made 27 miles,
and the same distance from noon till sunset, equal to
13 leagues S.S.E.
Saturday, gt/i of February.
For part of this night they went 3 leagues S.S.E. , and
afterwards S. by E., then N.E. 5 leagues until ten o'clock
in the forenoon, then 9 leagues east until dark.
Sunday, 10th of February.
From sunset they steered east all night, making 130
miles, or 32 J leagues. During the day they went at
1 1 1 should be Yanez.
RECKONINGS OF THE PILOTS. 173
the rate of nine miles an hour, making 99 miles, or
24I leagues, in eleven hours.
In the caravel of the Admiral, Vicente Yanez and
the two pilots, Sancho Ruiz and Pedro Alonso Nino,
and Roldan,1 made charts and plotted the route. They
all made the position a good deal beyond the islands
of the Azores to the east, and, navigating to the north,
none of them touched Santa Maria, which is the last
of all the Azores. They made the position five leagues
beyond it, and were in the vicinity of the islands of
Madeira and Puerto Santo. But the Admiral was very
different from them in his reckoning, finding the position
very much in rear of theirs. This night he found the
island of Flores to the north, and to the east he made
the direction to be towards Nafe in Africa, passing to
leeward of the island of Madeira to the north
leagues.2 So that the pilots were nearer to Castille than
the Admiral by 150 leagues. The Admiral says that, with
the grace of God, when they reach the land they will find
out whose reckoning was most correct. He also says that
he went 263 leagues from the island of Hierro to the
place where he first saw the gulf-weed.
Monday, wtJi of February.
This night they went twelve miles an hour on their
course, and during the day they ran 16^ leagues. They
saw many birds, from which they judged that land was
near.
1 Las Casas says that the pilot Roldan afterwards lived for many
years in the city of San Domingo, owning several houses in the prin-
cipal streets.
2 A gap in the original manuscript.
174 BAD WEATHER.
Tuesday, \2th of February.
They went six miles an hour on an east course during
the night, altogether JZ miles, or 18} leagues. At this
time they began to encounter bad weather with a heavy
sea ; and, if the caravel had not been very well managed,
she must have been lost. During the day they made 1 1 or
12 leagues with much difficulty and danger.
Wednesday, \$th of February.
From sunset until daylight there was great trouble with
the wind, and the high and tempestuous sea. There was
lightning three times to the X.N.E. — a sign of a great storm
coming either from that quarter or its opposite. They
were lying-to most of the night, afterwards showing a little
sail, and made 52 miles, which is 13 leagues. In the day
the wind moderated a little, but it soon increased again.
The sea was terrific, the waves crossing each other, and
straining the vessels. They made 55 miles more, equal to
13I leagues.
Thursday, i^th of February.
This night the wind increased, and the waves were
terrible, rising against each other, and so shaking and
straining the vessel that she could make no headway, and
was in danger of being stove in. They carried the main-
sail very closely reefed, so as just to give her steerage-
way, and proceeded thus for three hours, making 20 miles.
Meanwhile, the wind and sea increased, and, seeing the
great danger, the Admiral began to run before it, there
being nothing else to be done. The caravel Pinta began
to run before the wind at the same time, and Martin
Alonso ran her out of sight,1 although the Admiral kept
1 Martin Alonso Pinzon succeeded in bringing the caravel Pi/ita
VOWS OF PILGRIMAGES. 175
showing lanterns all night, and the other answered. It
would seem that she could do no more, owing to the force
of the tempest, and she was taken far from the route of
the Admiral. He steered that night E.N.E., and made
54 miles, equal to 13 leagues. At sunrise the wind blew
still harder, and the cross sea was terrific. They continued
to show the closely-reefed mainsail, to enable her to rise
from between the waves, or she would otherwise have been
swamped. An E.N.E. course was steered, and afterwards
N.E. by E. for six hours, making J\ leagues. The Admiral
ordered that a pilgrimage should be made to Our Lady of
Guadaloupe, carrying a candle of 6 lbs. of weight in wax,
and that all the crew should take an oath that the pilgrim-
age should be made by the man on whom the lot fell. As
many beans were got as there were persons on board, and
on one a cross was cut with a knife. They were then put
into a cap and shaken up. The first who put in his hand
was the Admiral, and he drew out the bean with a cross,
so the lot fell on him ; and he was bound to go on the
pilgrimage and fulfil the vow. Another lot was drawn, to
go on pilgrimage to Our Lady of Loreto, which is in the
march of Ancona, in the Papal territory, a house where
Our Lady works many and great miracles. The lot fell on
a sailor of the port of Santa Maria, named Pedro de Villa,
and the Admiral promised to pay his travelling expenses.
Another pilgrimage was agreed upon, to watch for one
night in Santa Clara1 at Moguer, and have a Mass said,
for which they again used the beans, including the one
with a cross. The lot ae;ain fell on the Admiral. After
into port at Bayona in Galicia. He went thence to Palos, arriving in
the evening of the same day as the Nifia with the Admiral. Pinzon
died very soon afterwards. Oviedo says : " Fuesse a Palos a su casa,
é murió desde a poças dias, porque yba muy doliente" (11, cap. vi).
1 Las Casas says that this was a church much frequented by sailors
(i, p. 446).
176 REFLECTIONS IN THE STORM.
this the Admiral and all the crew made a vow that, on
arriving at the first land, they would all go in procession,
in their shirts, to say their prayers in a church dedicated
to Our Lady.
Besides these general vows made in common, each
sailor made a special vow; for no one expected to escape,
holding themselves for lost, owing to the fearful weather
from which they were suffering. The want of ballast
increased the danger of the ship, which had become light,
owing to the consumption of the provisions and water.
On account of the favourable weather enjoyed among the
islands, the Admiral had omitted to make provision for
this need, thinking that ballast might be taken on board
at the island inhabited by women, which he had intended
to visit. The only thing to do was to fill the barrels that
had contained wine or fresh water with water from the sea,
and this supplied a remedy.
Here the Admiral writes of the causes which made him
fear that he would perish, and of others that gave him
hope that God would work his salvation, in order that
such news as he was bringing to the Sovereigns might not
be lost. It seemed to him that the strong desire he felt
to bring such great news, and to show that all he had said
and offered to discover had turned out true, suggested the
fear that he would not be able to do so, and that each
stinging insect would be able to thwart and impede the
work. He attributes this fear to his little faith, and to his
want of confidence in Divine Providence. He was com-
forted, on the other hand, by the mercies of God in having
vouchsafed him such a victory, in the discoveries he had
made, and in that God had complied with all his desires
in Castille, after much adversity and many misfortunes.
As he had before put all his trust in God, who had
heard him and granted all he sought, he ought now to
believe that God would permit the completion of what
REFLECTIONS IN THE STORM. 177
had been begun, and ordain that he should be saved.
Especially as he had freed him on the voyage out, when
he had still greater reason to fear, from the trouble
caused by the sailors and people of his company, who
all with one voice declared their intention to return,
and protested that they would rise against him. But
the eternal God gave him force and valour to with-
stand them all, and in many other marvellous ways had
God shown his will in this voyage besides those known to
their Highnesses. Thus he ought not to fear the present
tempest, though his weakness and anxiety prevent him
from giving tranquillity to his mind. He says further that
it gave him great sorrow to think of the two sons he had
left at their studies in Cordova, who would be left orphans,
without father or mother, in a strange land ; while the
Sovereigns would not know of the services he had per-
formed in this voyage, nor would they receive the pros-
perous news which would move them to help the orphans.
To remedy this, and that their Highnesses might know
how our Lord had granted a victory in all that could
be desired respecting the Indies, and that they might
understand that there were no storms in those parts,
which may be known by the herbs and trees which
grow even within the sea1 ; also that the Sovereigns
might still have information, even if he perished in the
storm, he took a parchment and wrote on it as good
an account as he could of all he had discovered, entreat-
ing anyone who might pick it up to deliver it to the
Sovereigns. He rolled this parchment up in waxed cloth,
fastened it very securely, ordered a large wooden barrel to
1 The Admiral thought that there could be no great storms in the
countries he had discovered, because trees (mangroves) actually grew
with their roots in the sea. The herbage on the beach nearly reached
the waves, which does not happen when the sea is rough. See ante,
p. 60.
N
178 LAND SIGHTED.
be brought, and put it inside, so that no one else knew
what it was. They thought that it was some act of
devotion, and so he ordered the barrel to be thrown
into the sea.1 Afterwards, in the showers and squalls,
the wind veered to the west, and they went before it, only
with the foresail, in a very confused sea, for five hours.
They made 2\ leagues N.E. They had taken in the reefed
mainsail, for fear some wave of the sea should carry all
away,
Friday, i^tli of February.
Last night, after sunset, the sky began to clear towards
the west, showing that the wind was inclined to come from
that quarter. The Admiral added the bonnet2 to the
mainsail. The sea was still very high, although it had
gone down slightly. They steered E.N.E., and went four
miles an hour, which made 13 leagues during the eleven
hours of the night. After sunrise they sighted land. It
appeared from the bows to bear E.N.E. Some said it was
the island of Madeira, others that it was the rock of Cintra,
in Portugal, near Lisbon. Presently the wind headed to
E.N.E. , and a heavy sea came from the west, the caravel
being 5 leagues from the land. The Admiral found by his
reckoning that he was close to the Azores, and believed
1 It is stated, in the Vita dell Ammiraglio, by his son Fernando
Columbus, that the Admiral wrote a duplicate of this letter, and placed
it in a second barrel, which was kept on board until the ship should
sink {Historic, cap. xxxvi). Lamartine {Christophc Colomb., N. xlvii)
has a curious but unauthenticated story, that several casks with docu-
ments were thrown overboard, and that one was picked up three
centuries afterwards. Lafuente {Historia General de Espana, vol. ix,
p. 463) even gives the name of the vessel that picked up one of the
documents of Columbus, and the date, 27 Aug. 1852. But the story
is unworthy of credit.
2 The bonnet was a small sail, usually cut to a third the size of
the mizen, or a fourth of the mainsail. It was secured through eyelet-
holes to the leech of the mainsail, in the manner of a studding sail.
LAND SIGHTED. 179
that this was one of them. The pilots and sailors thought
it was the land of Castille,1
Saturday, 16th of February.
All that night the Admiral was standing off and on to
keep clear of the land, which they now knew to be an
island, sometimes standing N.E., at others N.N.E., until
sunrise, when they tacked to the south to reach the
island, which was now concealed by a great mist. Another
island was in sight from the poop, at a distance of eight
leagues. Afterwards, from sunrise until dark, they were
tacking to reach the land against a strong wind and head-
sea. At the time of repeating the Salve, which is just
before dark, some of the men saw a light to leeward, and
it seemed that it must be on the island they first saw
yesterday. All night they were beating to windward, and
going as near as they could, so as to see some way to the
island at sunrise. That night the Admiral got a little rest,
for he had not slept nor been able to sleep since Wednes-
day, and his legs were ver}- sore from long exposure to the
1 On this day the Admiral dated the letter to Santangel,the Escribano
de Racion ; which was translated by Air. Major for the Hakluyt Society
{Select Letters of Columbus, 1870). A copy of this letter was made, a
few days afterwards, to be sent to Gabriel Sanchez, the Treasurer of
Aragon. These letters are very brief compendia of the Journal. The
Santangel Letter was first printed at Barcelona in April 1493 (unique
copy in possession of Mr. Quaritch, folio, two leaves\ The next
edition, also printed in April 1493, at Seville, is represented by a
unique copy in the Ambrosian Library at Milan (quarto, four leaves).
There is a manuscript copy at Simancas, which is a transcript made
about 70 years ago, but it is not known from what original. A manu-
script transcript of the Saiichez Letter, written about 1600, was bought
by Varnhagen at Valencia, and printed there by him in 1858. A
Latin translation of it, by Leander de Cosco, had been printed three
times, in 1493, at Rome ; and a fourth edition exists, probably printed
at Naples.
N 2
1 80 RECKONING OF THE ADMIRAL.
wet and cold. At sunrise1 he steered S.S.W., and reached
the island at night, but could not make out what island it
was, owing to the thick weather.
Monday, iStã of February.
Yesterday, after sunset, the Admiral was sailing round
the island, to see where he could anchor and open com-
munications. He let go one anchor, which he presently
lost, and then stood off and on all night. After sunrise
he again reached the north side of the island, where he
anchored, and sent the boat on shore. They had speech
with the people, and found that it was the island of Santa
Maria, one of the Azores. They pointed out the port2 to
which the caravel should go. They said that they had
never seen such stormy weather as there had been for the
last fifteen days, and they wondered how the caravel
could have escaped. They gave many thanks to God, and
showed great joy at the news that the Admiral had dis-
covered the Indies. The Admiral says that his naviga-
tion had been very certain, and that he had laid the
discoveries down on the chart. Many thanks were due to
our Lord, although there had been some delay. But he
was sure that he was in the region of the Azores, and that
this was one of them. He pretended to have gone over
more ground, to mislead the pilots and mariners who
pricked off* the charts, in order that he might remain
master of that route to the Indies, as, in fact, he did. For
none of the others kept an accurate reckoning, so that no
one but himself could be sure of the route to the Indies.
Tuesday, igth of February.
After sunset three natives of the island came to the
1 This was on Sunday, 17th of February.
2 The port of San Lorenzo.
PORTUGUESE TREACHERY. I Si
beach and hailed. The Admiral sent the boat, which
returned with fowls and fresh bread. It was carnival
time, and they brought other things which were sent
by the captain of the island, named Juan dc Castaricda,
saying that he knew the Admiral very well, and that
he did not come to see him because it was night, but
that at dawn he would come with more refreshments,
bringing with him three men of the boat's crew, whom
he did not send back owing to the great pleasure he
derived from hearing their account of the voyage. The
Admiral ordered much respect to be shown to the mes-
sengers, and that they should be given beds to sleep in
that night, because it was late, and the town was far off.
As on the previous Thursday, when they were in the midst
of the storm, they had made a vow to go in procession to
a church of Our Lady as soon as they came to land, the
Admiral arranged that half the crew should go to comply
with their obligation to a small chapel, like a hermitage,
near the shore ; and that he would himself go afterwards
with the rest. Believing that it was a peaceful land, and
confiding in the offers of the captain of the island, and
in the peace that existed between Spain and Portugal,
he asked the three men to go to the town and arrange
for a priest to come and say Mass. The half of the crew
then went in their shirts, in compliance with their vow.
While they were at their prayers, all the people of the
town, horse and foot, with the captain at their head, came
and took them all prisoners. The Admiral, suspecting
nothing, was waiting for the boat to take him and the
rest to accomplish the vow. At 1 1 o'clock, seeing that
they did not come back, he feared that they had been
detained, or that the boat had been swamped, all the island
being surrounded by high rocks. He could not see what
had taken place, because the hermitage was round a point.
He got up the anchor, and made sail until he was in full
1 82 PORTUGUESE TREACHERY.
view of the hermitage, and he saw many of the horsemen
dismount and get into the boat with arms. They came to
the caravel to seize the Admiral. The captain stood up in
the boat, and asked for an assurance of safety from the
Admiral, who replied that he granted it ; but, what out-
rage was this, that he saw none of his people in the
boat ? The Admiral added that they might come on
board, and that he would do all that might be proper.
The Admiral tried, with fair words, to get hold of this
captain, that he might recover his own people, not
considering that he broke faith by giving him security,
because he had offered peace and security, and had then
broken his word. The captain, as he came with an evil
intention, would not come on board. Seeing that he did
not come alongside, the Admiral asked that he might be
told the reason for the detention of his men, an act which
would displease the King of Portugal, because the Portu-
guese received much honour in the territories of the King
of Castille, and were as safe as if they were in Lisbon.
He further said that the Sovereigns had given him letters
of recommendation to all the Lords and Princes of the
world, which he would show the captain if he would come
on board ; that he was the Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and
Viceroy of the Indies, which belonged to their Highnesses,
and that he would show the commissions signed with their
signatures, and attested by their seals, which he held up
from a distance. He added that his Sovereigns were in
friendship and amity with the King of Portugal, and had
ordered that all honour should be shown to ships that
came from Portugal. Further, that if the captain did not
surrender his people, he would still go on to Castille, as he
had quite sufficient to navigate as far as Seville, in which
case the captain and his followers would be severely
punished for their offence. Then the captain and those
with him replied that they did not know the King and
BAD WEATHER AMONG THE AZORES. 1 83
Queen of Castille there, nor their letters, nor were they
afraid of them, and they would give the Admiral to under-
stand that this was Portugal, almost menacing him. On
hearing this the Admiral was much moved, thinking that
some cause of disagreement might have arisen between
the two kingdoms during his absence, yet he could not
endure that they should not be answered reasonably.
Afterwards he turned to the captain, and said that he
should go to the port with the caravel, and that all that
had been done would be reported to the King his Lord.
The Admiral made those who were in the caravel bear
witness to what he said, calling to the captain and all the
others, and promising that he would not leave the caravel
until a hundred Portuguese had been taken to Castille,
and all that island had been laid waste. He then returned
to anchor in the port where he was first, the wind being
very unfavourable for doing anything else.
Wednesday, 20th of February.
The Admiral ordered the ship to be repaired, and the
casks to be filled alongside for ballast. This was a very
bad port, and he feared he might have to cut the cables.
This was so, and he made sail for the island of San Miguel ;
but there is no good port in any of the Azores for the
weather they then experienced, and there was no other
remedy but to go to sea.
Thursday, 2\st of February.
Yesterday the Admiral left that island of Santa Maria
for that of San Miguel, to see if a port could be found to
shelter his vessel from the bad weather. There was much
wind and a high sea, and he was sailing until night with-
out being able to see either one land or the other, owing to
the thick weather caused by wind and sea. The Admiral
1 84 THE PORTUGUESE MORE REASONABLE.
says he was in much anxiety, because he only had three
sailors who knew their business, the rest knowing nothing
of seamanship. He was lying-to all that night, in great
danger and trouble. Our Lord showed him mercy in that
the waves came in one direction, for if there had been a
cross sea they would have suffered much more. After sun-
rise the island of San Miguel was not in sight, so the
Admiral determined to return to Santa Maria, to see if he
could recover his people and boat, and the anchors and
cables he had left there.
The Admiral says that he was astonished at the bad
weather he encountered in the region of these islands. In
the Indies he had navigated throughout the winter without
the necessity for anchoring, and always had fine weather,
never having seen the sea for a single hour in such a state
that it could not be navigated easily. But among these
islands he had suffered from such terrible storms. The
same had happened in going out as far as the Canary
Islands, but as soon as they were passed there was always
fine weather, both in sea and air. In concluding these
remarks, he observes that the sacred theologians and wise
men said well when they placed the terrestrial paradise in
the Far East, because it is a most temperate region. Hence
these lands that he had now discovered must, he says, be in
the extreme East.
Friday, 22ud oj February.
Yesterday the Admiral came-to off Santa Maria, in the
place or port where he had first anchored. Presently a
man came down to some rocks at the edge of the beach,
hailing that they were not to remain there. Soon after-
wards the boat came with five sailors, two priests, and a
scrivener. They asked for safety, and when it was granted
by the Admiral, they came on board, and, as it was night
THE SPANIARDS RELEASED. 1 85
they slept on board, the Admiral showing them all the
civility he could. In the morning they asked to be shown
the authority of the Sovereigns of Castille, by which the
voyage had been made. The Admiral felt that they did
this to give some colour of right to what they had done,
and to show that they had right on their side. As they
were unable to secure the person of the Admiral, whom
they intended to get into their power when they came with
the boat armed, they now feared that their game might not
turn out so well, thinking, with some fear, of what the
Admiral had threatened, and which he proposed to put into
execution. In order to get his people released, the Admiral
displayed the general letter of the Sovereigns to all Princes
and Lords, and other documents, and having given them of
what he had, the Portuguese went on shore contented, and
presently released all the crew and the boat. The Admiral
heard from them that if he had been captured also, they
never would have been released, for the captain said that
those were the orders of the King his Lord.
Saturday, 2yd of February.
Yesterday the weather began to improve, and the
Admiral got under weigh to seek a better anchorage,
where he could take in wood and stones for ballast ; but
he did not find one until late.
Sunday, 24th of February.
He anchored yesterday in the afternoon, to take in wood
and stones, but the sea was so rough that they could not
land from the boat, and during the first watch it came on
to blow from the west and S.W. He ordered sail to be
made, owing to the great danger there is off these islands in
being at anchor with a southerly gale, and as the wind
was S.W. it would ço round to south. As it was a good
1 86 VOYAGE TO LISBON.
wind for Castille, he gave up his intention of taking in
wood and stones, and shaped an easterly course until sun-
set, going seven miles an hour for six hours and a half,
equal to 45J miles. After sunset he made six miles an
hour, or 66 miles in eleven hours, altogether 1 1 1 miles,
equal to 28 leagues.
Monday, 2^th of February.
Yesterday, after sunset, the caravel went at the rate ot
five miles an hour on an easterly course, and in the eleven
hours of the night she made 65 miles, equal to 16^- leagues.
From sunrise to sunset they made another \6\ leagues
with a smooth sea, thanks be to God. A very large bird,
like an eagle, came to the caravel.
Tuesday, 26th of February.
Yesterday night the caravel steered her course in a
smooth sea, thanks be to God. Most of the time she was
going eight miles an hour, and made a hundred miles, equal
to 25 leagues. After sunrise there was little wind and some
rain-showers. They made about 8 leagues E.N.E.
Wednesday, 2Jth of February.
During the night and day she was off her course, owing
to contrary winds and a heavy sea. She was found to be
125 leagues from Cape St. Vincent, and 80 from the island
of Madeira, 106 from Santa Maria. It was very trouble-
some to have such bad weather just when they were at the
very door of their home.
Thursday, 2$th of February.
The same weather during the night, with the wind from
south and S.E., sometimes shifting to N.E. and E.N.E., and
it was the same all day.
VOYAGE TO LISBON. 1 87
Friday, \st of March.
To-night the course was E.N.E., and they made twelve
leagues. During the day, 23.} leagues on the same
course.
Saturday, 2nd of March.
The course was E.N.E., and distance made good 28
leagues during the night, and 20 in the day.
Sunday, yd of March.
After sunset the course was east; but a squall came
down, split all the sails, and the vessel was in great danger;
but God was pleased to deliver them. They drew lots for
sending a pilgrim in a shirt to Santa Maria de la Cinta at
Huelva, and the lot fell on the Admiral. The whole crew
also made a vow to fast on bread and water during the
first Saturday after their arrival in port. They had made
60 miles before the sails were split. Afterwards they ran
under bare poles, owing to the force of the gale and the
heavy sea. They saw signs of the neighbourhood of
land, finding themselves near Lisbon.
Monday, 4th of March.
During the night they were exposed to a terrible storm,
expecting to be overwhelmed by the cross-seas, while the
wind seemed to raise the caravel into the air, and there
was rain and lightning in several directions. The Admiral
prayed to our Lord to preserve them, and in the first
watch it pleased our Lord to show land, which was re-
ported by the sailors. As it was advisable not to reach it
before it was known whether there was any port to which
he could run for shelter, the Admiral set the mainsail, as
there was no other course but to proceed, though in great
danger. Thus God preserved them until daylight, though
all the time they were in infinite fear and trouble. When
1 88 ARRIVAL IN THE TAGUS.
it was light, the Admiral knew the land, which was the
rock of Cintra, near the river of Lisbon, and he resolved
to run in because there was nothing else to be done. So
terrible was the storm, that in the village of Cascaes, at
the mouth of the river, the people were praying for the
little vessel all that morning. After they were inside, the
people came off, looking upon their escape as a miracle.
At the third hour they passed Rasteio, within the river of
Lisbon, where they were told that such a winter, with so
many storms, had never before been known, and that
25 ships had been lost in Flanders, while others had been
wind-bound in the river for four months. Presently the
Admiral wrote to the King of Portugal, who was then at
a distance of nine leagues, to state that the Sovereigns of
Castille had ordered him to enter the ports of his High-
ness, and ask for what he required for payment, and
requesting that the King would give permission for the
caravel to come to Lisbon, because some ruffians, hearing
that he had much gold on board, might attempt a robbery
in an unfrequented port, knowing that they did not come
from Guinea, but from the Indies.1
Tuesday, $ih of March.
To-day the great ship of the King of Portugal was also
at anchor off Rasteio, with the best provision of artillery
and arms that the Admiral had ever seen. The master of her,
named Bartolomé Diaz, of Lisbon, came in an armed boat
to the caravel, and ordered the Admiral to get into the
boat, to go and give an account of himself to the agents of
the king and to the captain of that ship. The Admiral
replied that he was the Admiral of the Sovereigns of
Castille, and that he would not give an account to any
such persons, nor would he leave the ship except by force,
1 On this clay the Admiral dated the postscript to his letter to the
Escribano de Racion, which was written at sea on February 15th.
VISITORS FROM LISBON. 1 89
as he had not the power to resist. The master replied
that he must then send the master of the caravel. The
Admiral answered that neither the master nor any other
person should go except by force, for if he allowed anyone
to go, it would be as if he went himself; and that such
was the custom of the Admirals of the Sovereigns of
Castille, rather to die than to submit, or to let any of
their people submit. The master then moderated his
tone, and told the Admiral that if that was his determina-
tion he might do as he pleased. He, however, requested
that he might be shown the letters of the Kings of Cas-
tille, if they were on board. The Admiral readily showed
them, and the master returned to the ship and reported
what had happened to the captain, named Álvaro Dama.
That officer, making great festival with trumpets and drums,
came to the caravel to visit the Admiral, and offered to
do all that he might require.
Wednesday, 6th of March.
As soon as it was known that the Admiral came from
the Indies, it was wonderful how many people came from
Lisbon to see him and the Indians, giving thanks to
our Lord, and saying that the heavenly Majesty had given
all this to the Sovereigns of Castille as a reward for their
faith and their great desire to serve God.
Thursday, Jth of March.
To-day an immense number of people came to the
caravel, including many knights, and amongst them the
agents of the king, and all gave infinite thanks to our
Lord for so wide an increase of Christianity granted
by our Lord to the Sovereigns of Castille ; and they
said that they received it because their Highnesses had
worked and laboured for the increase of the religion of
Christ.
190 COLUMBUS AND THE KING OF PORTUGAL.
Friday, 8t/i of March.
To-day the Admiral received a letter from the King of
Portugal,1 brought by Don Martin de Norona, asking him
to visit him where he was, as the weather was not suitable
for the departure of the caravel. He complied, to prevent
suspicion, although he did not wish to go, and went to
pass the night at Sacanben. The king had given orders
to his officers that all that the Admiral, his crew, and the
caravel were in need of should be given without payment,
and that all the Admiral wanted should be complied with.
Saturday, gtk of March.
To-day the Admiral left Sacanben, to go where the
king was residing, which was at Valparaiso, nine leagues
from Lisbon. Owing to the rain, he did not arrive until
night. The king caused him to be received very honourably
by the principal officers of his household ; and the king
himself received the Admiral with great favour, making
him sit down, and talking very pleasantly.2 He offered to
give orders that everything should be done for the service
of the Sovereigns of Castille, and said that the successful
termination of the voyage had given him great pleasure.
He said further that he understood that, in the capitulation
between the Sovereigns and himself, that conquest belonged
to him. The Admiral replied that he had not seen the
capitulation, nor knew more than that the Sovereigns had
ordered him not to go either to Lamina or to any other
1 This was João II, son of Affbnso V, who had the correspondence
with Toscanelli. João II succeeded in 1481, and died in 1495, when
he was succeeded by his cousin Manoel, Duke of Bejar.
2 Las Casas, quoting from the Portuguese historian, Garcia de
Resende, says that the courtiers proposed to pick a Quarrel with
Columbus, and to kill him ; but that the King João II would not
allow it (i, p. 465).
INTERVIEW WITH THE QUEEN. 191
port of Guinea, and that this had been ordered to be
proclaimed in all the ports of Andalusia before he sailed.
The king graciously replied that he held it for certain that
there would be no necessity for any arbitrators. The
Admiral was assigned as a guest to the Prior of Crato,
who was the principal person present, and from whom he
received many favours and civilities.
Sundav, 10th of March.
To-day, after Mass, the king repeated that if the
Admiral wanted anything he should have it. He con-
versed much with the Admiral respecting his voyage,
always ordering him to sit down, and treating him with
great favour.
Monday, nth of March.
To-day the Admiral took leave of the king, who entrusted
him with some messages to the Sovereigns, and always
treating him with much friendliness. He departed after
dinner, Don Martin de Noroha being sent with him, and
all the knights set out with him, and went with him some
distance, to do him honour. Afterwards he came to a
monastery of San Antonio, near a place called Villafranca,
where the Queen was residing.1 The Admiral went to do
her reverence and to kiss her hand, because she had sent
to say that he was not to go without seeing her. The
Duke2 and the Marquis were with her, and the Admiral
was received with much honour. He departed at night,
and went to sleep at Llandra.
1 The Queen of João II was his cousin Leonor, daughter of Don
Fernando, Duke of Viseu, his uncle. The Queen's brother had been
killed by her husband the King with his own hand, as a traitor. Her
other brother, Manoel, succeeded her husband as king in 1495.
- This may have been her brother, the Duke of Bejar, afterwards
Kins Manoel.
192 RETURN TO PALOS.
Tuesday, 12 th of March.
To-day, as he was leaving Llandra to return to the
caravel, an esquire of the king arrived, with an offer that if
he desired to go to Castille by land, that he should be
supplied with lodgings, and beasts, and all that was neces-
sary. When the Admiral took leave of him, he ordered a
mule to be supplied to him, and another for his pilot, who
was with him, and he says that the pilot received a present
of twenty espadi)ics. He said this that the Sovereigns
might know all that was done. He arrived on board the
caravel that night.
Wednesday, i$th of March.
To-day, at 8 o'clock, with the flood tide, and the wind
N.N.W., the Admiral got under weigh and made sail for
Seville.
Thursday, 1 4th of Marcli.
Yesterday, after sunset, a southerly course was steered,
and before sunrise they were off Cape St. Vincent, which
is in Portugal. Afterwards he shaped a course to the east
for Saltes, and went on all day with little wind, " until now
that the ship is off Furon".
Friday, i$th of March.
Yesterday, after sunset, she went on her course with
little wind, and at sunrise she was off Saltes. At noon,
with the tide rising, they crossed the bar of Saltes, and
reached the port which they had left on the 3rd of
August of the year before.1 The Admiral says that so
ends this journal, unless it becomes necessary to go to
1 Having been absent 225 days.
CONCLUSION.
193
Barcelona by sea, having received news that their High-
nesses are in that city, to give an account of all his voyage
which our Lord had permitted him to make, and saw fit to
set forth in him. For, assuredly, he held with a firm and
strong knowledge that his high Majesty made all things
good, and that all is good except sin. Nor can he value
or think of anything being done without His consent. " I
know respecting this voyage", says the Admiral, "that he
has miraculously shown his will, as may be seen from this
journal, setting forth the numerous miracles that have been
displayed in the voyage, and in me who was so long at the
court of your Highnesses, working in opposition to and
against the opinions of so many chief persons of your
household, who were all against me, looking upon this
enterprise as folly. But I hope, in our Lord, that it will be
a great benefit to Christianity, for so it has ever appeared."
These are the final words of the Admiral Don Cristoval
Colon respecting his first voyage to the Indies and their
discovery.
DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO
THE VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY
JOHN CABOT.
O 2
DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO
JOHN CABOT.
Letters Patent granted to John Cabot and
his Sons.1
For John Cabot and his sons, touching discovery of
unknown land.
Henrie, by the grace of God, King of England and
France, and Lord of Ireland, to all to whom these
presents shall come greeting.
ET it be known and made manifest '
that we have given and conceded,
and by these presents do give and
concede, for us and our heirs, to our
well-beloved John Cabottus, citizen of
Venice, and to Ludovicus, Sebas-
tianus, and Sanctus, sons of the said John, and to the
heirs and assigns of them and each of them and their •
deputies, full and free authority, faculty, and power of
navigating to all parts, countries, and seas of the east,
west, and north, under our banners, flags, and ensigns, with
five ships or vessels of what burden or quality soever, and
5 March.
1 Rymer, xii, p. 595.
I98 FIRST LETTERS PATENT.
with as many mariners or men as they will have with them
in the said ships, upon their own proper costs and charges :
to seek out, discover, and find whatsoever islands, countries,
regions, or provinces of heathens or infidels, in whatever
part of the world they be, which before this time were
unknown to all Christians.
We also concede to them and each of them, and to their
heirs and assigns, and their deputies, and we give licence
to fly the said our banners and ensigns on whatever towns,
cities, camps, islands, or mainlands may be newly found
by them.
And the before-named John and his sons, their heirs and
assigns, may occupy and possess whatever towns, camps,
cities, or islands may be discovered by them, that they
may be able to conquer, occupy, and possess, as our vassals
and governors, lieutenants or deputies, acquiring for us
the dominion, title, and jurisdiction over these towns, camps,
cities, islands, and mainlands so discovered. Providing
that the said John and his sons, their heirs and assigns,
and their deputies, shall be bound and under obligation to
us, from all the fruits, profits, emoluments, advantages,
gains, and incomes accruing from this voyage, for every
their voyage as often as they shall arrive at our port of
Bristol (at the which port they shall be bound and holden
only to arrive), to deduct a fifth part of the whole capital,
whether in goods or in money, for our use.
We give and concede to them, their heirs and assigns,
and deputies, that they shall be free from all payments of
customs on all and singular the goods and merchandize
that they may bring from those newly-discovered places.
And we further give and concede to them, their heirs
and assigns, and their deputies, that all mainlands, islands,
cities, towns, camps, and other places whatsoever by them
discovered, shall not be frequented or visited by any
others of our subjects without the licence of the said John
CHRONICLES. 1 99
and his sons, or of their heirs and assigns, on pain of
forfeiting as well the ships or vessels, as all goods whatso-
ever.
We further will, and strictly command all and singular
our subjects, as well by land as by sea, that they shall
render good assistance to the aforesaid John, his sons,
their heirs and assigns ; and that they shall give them
all favour and help, as well in arming their ships or
vessels, as in supplying them with stores and victuals paid
for by their money.
Witnessed by the King at Westminster, on the
5th day of March, in the eleventh year of his
reign.
By the King himself.
Name of the Ship.
History and Antiquities of Br is tol (Bristol, 1789, p. 172), by
W. Barrett.
" In the year 1497, the 24th of June, on St. John's Day,
was Newfoundland found by Bristol men in a ship called
the Matthew?
First Voyage of John Cabot.
Date of Sailing.
This yeere the King (by meanes of a Venetian which Inthef|â
made himselfe very expert and cunning in the Knowledge viT.T^
of the circuit of the worlde, and ilandes of the same, as by
a carde and other demonstrations reasonable hee shewed)
caused to man and victuall a shippe at Bristow, to search
for an ilande, which hee saide hee Knewe well was riche
and replenished with riche commodities. Which Ship,
thus manned and victualled at the Kinges cost, divers mar-
200 THE LANDFALL.
chants of London ventured in her small stockes, being in
her as chiefe Patrone, the saide Venetian. And in the
companie of the saide shippe sayled also out of Bristowe
three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse
merchandizes, as course cloth, Caps, laces, points, and
other trifles, and so departed from Bristowe in the begin-
ning of May : of whom, in this Maiors time, returned no
tidines.1
The Landfall of John Cabot.
Legend on the Map of Sebastian Cabot of 1 544.
No. 8. This land was discovered by Joan Caboto Vene-
ciano, and Sebastian Caboto his son, in the year from the
birth of our Saviour Jesu Christ MCCCCXCIIII,2 on the 24th
of June in the morning, to which they gave the name of
"Prima Tierra Vista', and to a large island which is near
the said land they gave the name of St. John, because it
was discovered the same day. The natives of it go about
dressed in skins of animals ; in their wars they use bows
and arrows, lances and darts, and clubs of wood, and slings.
This land is very sterile. There are in it many white
1 From Haklnyfs Divers Voyages: "taken out of Fabian's Chro?iicle,
which is in the custodie of John Stowe, Citizen, a diligent searcher
and preserver of antiquities." Also printed in the Principal Naviga-
tions, where Hakluyt inserted the name of "one John Cabot" before
" a Venetian".
Fabyan died in 151 1. His Chronicle was published down to 10
Henry VII, in 1516, and a new edition, with the continuation, was
published by Rastell in 1533. It does not contain the above entry,
nor any allusion to Cabot. There is a similar passage in Stow, but
without the date of sailing, and the explorer is not called John, but
" Sebastian Gaboto, a Genoa's sonne borne in Bristow".
2 This is an obvious error. It should be 1497. Mr. Major has
suggested that the first two lines were badly printed in the original,
being slightly separated instead of being joined at the bottom, thus
making "U" instead of "v"
LETTER OF PASQUALIGO. 201
bears, and very large stags, like horses, and many other
animals. And in like manner there are immense quantities
of fish — soles, salmon, very large cods, and many other
kinds of fish. They call the great multitude of them
baccallaos ; and there are also in this country dark-coloured
falcons like crows, eagles, partridges, sandpipers, and many
other birds of different kinds.
Reward for John Cabot.
ioth Aug. 1497. To hym that founde the new isle, ,£io.
{Extract from the Privy Purse Accounts, Henry VII.)
Accounts of the First Voyage of John Cabot.
Letter from Lorenzo Pasgualigo to his brotJiers Alvise and
Francesco}
London, 23rd August 1497.
Our Venetian, who went with a small ship from Bristol
to find new islands, has come back, and says he has
discovered, 700 leagues off, the mainland of the country
of the Gran Cam, and that he coasted along it for 300
leagues, and landed, but did not see any person. But
he has brought here to the king certain snares spread
to take game, and a needle for making nets, and he found
some notched trees, from which he judged that there were
inhabitants. Being in doubt, he came back to the ship.
He has been away three months on the voyage, which is
certain, and, in returning, he saw two islands to the right,
but he did not wish to land, lest he should lose time, for
1 Calendar of State Papers (Venice), i, p. 262, No. 752.
202 LETTER OF PASQUALIGO.
he was in want of provisions. This king has been much
pleased. He says that the tides are slack, and do not
make currents as they do here. The king has promised
for another time, ten armed ships as he desires, and has
given him all the prisoners, except such as are confined for
high treason, to go with him, as he has requested ; and has
granted him money to amuse himself till then. Mean-
while, he is with his Venetian wife and his sons at Bristol.
His name is Zuam Talbot,1 and he is called the Great
Admiral, great honour being paid to him, and he goes
dressed in silk. The English are ready to go with him,
and so are many of our rascals. The discoverer of these
things has planted a large cross in the ground with a
banner of England, and one of St. Mark, as he is a
Venetian ; so that our flag has been hoisted very far
away.
First Despatch of Raimondo di Soncino to the Duke of
Milan? {Extract?)
24th August 1497.
Some months afterwards His Majesty sent a Venetian,
who is a distinguished sailor, and who was much skilled in
the discovery of new islands, and he has returned safe,
and has discovered two very large and fertile islands,
having, it would seem, discovered the seven cities 400
leagues from England to the westward. These successes
led His Majesty at once to entertain the intention of
sending him with fifteen or twenty vessels.
1 A misprint: "T"for "C".
2 Calendar of State Papers (Venice), iii, p. 260, No. 750.
LETTER OF SONCINO. 203
Second Despatch of Raimondo di Soncino to the Duke of
Milan.1
1 8th December 1497.
My most illustrious and most excellent Lord,
Perhaps amidst so many occupations of your Excellency
it will not be unwelcome to learn how this Majesty has
acquired a part of Asia without drawing his sword. In
this kingdom there is a certain Venetian named Zoanne
Caboto, of gentle disposition, very expert in navigation,
who, seeing that the most serene Kings of Portugal and
Spain had occupied unknown islands, meditated the
achievement of a similar acquisition for the said Majesty.
Having obtained royal privileges securing to himself the
use of the dominions he might discover, the sovereignty
being reserved to the Crown, he entrusted his fortune to a
small vessel with a crew of 18 persons, and set out from
Bristo, a port in the western part of this kingdom.
Having passed Ibernia, which is still further to the west,
and then shaped a northerly course, he began to navigate
to the eastern part, leaving (during several days) the North
Star on the right hand ; and having wandered thus for a
long time, at length he hit upon land,2 where he hoisted
the royal standard, and took possession for this Highness,
and, having obtained various proofs of his discovery, he
returned. The said Messer Zoanne, being a foreigner and
poor, would not have been believed if the crew, who are
nearly all English, and belonging to Bristo, had not
1 A?viuario Scientifico, Milan, 1866, p. 700 ; Archiv d'Etat Milan,
reprinted by Harrisse, p. 324, from the Intorno of Desimoni, and
translated from his text for the Hakluyt Society, with his permission.
Also Tarducci, p. 351. 2 "Terra ferma."
204 LETTER OF SONCINO.
testified that what he said was the truth. This Messer
Zoanne has the description of the world on a chart,
and also on a solid sphere which he has constructed, and
on which he shows where he has been ; and, proceeding
towards the east, he has passed as far as the country
of the Tanais. And they say that there the land is
excellent and (the climate ?) temperate, suggesting that
brasil and silk grow there. They affirm that the sea
is full of fish, which are not only taken with a net, but
also with a basket, a stone being fastened to it in order to
keep it in the water ; and this I have heard stated by the
said Messer Zoanne.
The said Englishmen, his companions, say that they
took so many fish that this kingdom will no longer have
need of Iceland, from which country there is an immense
trade in the fish they call stock-fish. But Messer Zoanne
has set his mind on higher things, for he thinks that, when
that place has been occupied, he will keep on still further
towards the east, where he will be opposite to an island
called Cipango, situated in the equinoctial region, where
he believes that all the spices of the world, as well as the
jewels, are found. He further says that he was once at
Mecca, whither the spices are brought by caravans from
distant countries ; and having inquired from whence they
were brought and where they grow, they answered that
they did not know, but that such merchandize was brought
from distant countries by other caravans to their home ;
and they further say that they are also conveyed from
other remote regions. And he adduced this argument,
that if the eastern people tell those in the south that these
things come from a far distance from them, presupposing
the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last turn
would be by the north towards the west ; and it is said
that in this way the route would not cost more than it
costs now, and I also believe it. And what is more, this
LETTER OF SONCINO. 205
Majesty, who is wise and not prodigal, reposes such trust
in him because of what he has already achieved, that he
gives him a good maintenance, as Messer Zoanne has himself
told me. And it is said that before long his Majesty will
arm some ships for him, and will give him all the malefac-
tors to go to that country and form a colony, so that they
hope to establish a greater depot of spices in London than
there is in Alexandria. The principal people in the enter-
prise belong to Bristo. They are great seamen, and, now
that they know where to go, they say that the voyage
thither will not occupy more than 1 5 days after leaving
Ibernia. I have also spoken with a Burgundian,
who was a companion of Messer Zoanne, who affirms
all this, and who wishes to return because the Admiral
(for so Messer Zoanne is entitled) has given him an
island, and has given another to his barber of Castione,1
who is a Genoese, and both look upon themselves as
Counts ; nor do they look upon my Lord the Admiral
as less than a Prince. I also believe that some poor
Italian friars are going on this voyage, who have all
had bishopricks promised to them. And if I had made
friends with the Admiral when he was about to sail, I
should have got an archbishoprick at least ; but I have
thought that the benefits reserved for me by your Excel-
lency will be more secure. I would venture to pray that,
in the event of a vacancy taking place in my absence, I
may be put in possession, and that I may not be super-
seded by those who, being present, can be more diligent
than I, who am reduced in this country to eating at
each meal ten or twelve kinds of victuals, and to being
three hours at table every day, two for love of your
Excellency, to whom I humbly recommend myself.
1 Perhaps Castiglione, near Chiavari.
20Ó SECOND LETTERS TATENT.
London, 18 Dec. 1497, your Excellency's most humble
servant,
Raimundus.
Second Letters Patent granted to John Cabot.1
H. R.
To all men to whom thies presentis shall come send
gretings ; knowe ye that we of our grace especiall and for
dyvers causis us moving, we have given and graunten, and
by thies presentis yeve and graunte to our well-beloved
John Kabotto, Venician, sufficiente auctorite and power
that he by hym, his deputie or deputies, sufficient may
take at his pleasure vi Englisshe shippes in any poorte or
portes or other place within our realme of Ingland or
obeisaunce to that, and if the said shippes be of the bour-
deyn of c C tonnes or under with their apparaill requisite
and necessarie for the safe conduct of the seid shippes, and
theym convey and lede to the Londe and lies of late
founde by the seid John in oure name and by oure com-
maundemente, payng for theym and every of theym as
and if we should in or for our owen cause paye and
noon otherwise.
And that the seid John by hym, his deputie or deputies,
sufficiente maye take and receyve into the seid shippes and
every of theym all suche maisters, maryners, pages, and
our subjects as of theyr owen free wille woll goo and
passe with hym in the same shippes to the seid Londe
or lies, withoute any impedymente, lett, or perturbance
of any of our officeis or ministres or subjectes whatso-
1 Public Record Office, 13 Hen. VII, No. 6. First discovered and
published by Biddle, pp. 76-77. Afterwards by Desimoni, p. 56; and
Harrisse, p. 328.
LETTER OF AMBASSADOR PUEBLA. 207
evir they be by theym to the seid subjectes or any of
theym passing with the seid John in the seid shippes
to the seid Londe or lies to be doon or suffer to be doon
or attempted. Yeving in commaundement to all and
every our officers, ministres, and subjectes seying or
herying thies our lettres patents, withoute anye ferther
commaundement by us to theym or any of theym to
be geven, to perfourme and socour the seid John, his
deputie and all our seid subjectes to passynge with him
according to the tenor of thies our lettres patentis. Any
statute, acte, or ordenaunce to the contrarye made, or to
be made, in any wise notwithstanding.
Spanish Ambassadors on the Second Voyage of
John Cabot.
Despatch from Rny Gonzalez de Puebla to the Catholic
Sovereigns}
25th July (?) 1498.
The King of England sent five armed ships with another
Genoese like Columbus to search for the island of Brasil,
and others near it.2 They were victualled for a year.
They say that they will be back in September. By the
direction they take, the land they seek must be the
possession of your Highnesses. The king has sometimes
spoken to me about it, and seems to take very great
interest in it. I believe that the distance from here is not
400 leagues.
1 Public Record Office. Printed in Harrisse's Cabot, p. 328.
2 Desimoni suspects that the true reading is not vicinidades, but
septe citades. (In torno a Giovanni Caboto, Pref., p. 15.)
208 LETTER OF. AMBASSADOR AVALA.
Despatch from Pedro de Ay ala to the Catholic Sovereigns.1
(Extract from a long Despatch on several subjects^)
25th July 1498.
I well believe that your Highnesses have heard how the
King of England has equipped a fleet to discover certain
islands and mainland that certain persons who set out
last year for the same have testified that they have found.
I have seen the chart which the discoverer has drawn, who
is another Genoese like Columbus, and has been in Seville
and in Lisbon, procuring to find those who would help him
in this enterprise. It is seven years since those of Bristol
used to send out, every year, a fleet of two, three, or four
caravels to go and seek for the isle of Brasil and the seven
cities, according to the fancy of this Genoese. The king
determined to despatch an expedition, because he had the
certainty that they had found land last year. The fleet
consisted of 5 ships provisioned for one year. News has
come that one, on board of which there was one friar Buil,
has returned to Ireland in great distress, having been
driven back by a great storm.
The Genoese went on his course. I, having seen the
course and distance he takes, think that the land they
have found or seek is that which your Highnesses possess,
for it is at the end of that which belongs to your High-
nesses by the convention with Portugal. It is hoped that
they will return by September. I send the knowledge of
it to your Highnesses. The King of England has spoken
to me about it several times, and he thinks that your
Highnesses will take great interest in it. I believe the
1 Public Record Office, Calendar of State Papers (Spain), i, p. 176,
No 210. The original despatch was in cipher.
ACCOUNT OF PETER MARTYR. 20Q.
distance is not 400 leagues. And I told him that I
thought they were the islands discovered by your High-
nesses, and I even gave him a reason ; but he would not
hear it. As I believe that your Higl messes now have
intelligence of all, as well as the chart or mappe-monde
that this Genoese has made, I do not send it now, though
I have it here ; and to me it seems very false to give
out that they are not the said islands.
Account of Sebastian Cabot.
From the "Decades" of Peter Martyr1 (published 15 16).
These north seas have been searched by one Sebastian Sebastian
J Cabot.
Cabot, a Venetian borne, whom beyng yet but in maner
an infant,2 his parentes caryed with them into Englande,
havyng occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandizc,
as is the maner of the Venetians, to leave no part of the
worlde unsearched to obtaine rychesse. He therefore
furnished two shyppes in England at his own charges ;
and fyrst, with three hundreth men, directed his course so Thevoyag
• 1 1 °^ ^bastia
farre towarde the north pole that, even in the moneth of cabotfrom
Englande t
July, he founde monstrous heapes of Ise swymming on^'Iozen
the sea, and, in maner, continuall daylyght : yet sawe he
lande in that tract free from Ise (whiche had been moulten
by heat of the Sonne3). Thus, seeyng suche heapes of
Ise before hym, he was enforced to turne his sayles and
folowe the west, so coastynge styll by the shore, that he
was thereby brought so farre into the south, by reason of
the lande bending so muche southwarde, that it was there
1 From Eden's translation (Willes' ed., 1577, f. 125). De Orbe
Novo Decades, Dec. Ill, Lib. VI.
2 Pcnc infans, 3 Interpolation.
P
2 IO ACCOUNT FROM PETER MARTYR.
almost equall in latitude with the sea called Fretum
Herculeum, havyng the north pole elevate in maner the
same degree. He sayled lykevvyse in this tract so farre
towarde the west, that he had the I lande of Cuba on his
left hande, in maner in the same degree of longitude. As
he traveyled by the coastes of this great lande (which he
named Baccallaos), he sayth he founde the lyke course of
the waters toward the west, but the same to runne more
softly and gentelly, then the swifte waters which the
Spanyardes found in their navigations southwards Where-
fore, it is not onely more lyke to be true, but ought also of
necessitie to be concluded, that betwene both the landes
hitherto unknowen there shoulde be certayne great open
places, wherby the waters should thus continually passe
from the east into the west : whiche waters I suppose to
be dryven about the globe of the earth by the uncessaunt
movyng and impulsion of the heavens, and not to be
swalowed up and cast out agayne by the breathyng of
mogot- Demogorgon, as some have imagined, bycause they see
l is the . .. nin
nte of the the seas by increase and decrease to now and renow.
th. '
Sebastian Cabot hymselfe named those landes Baccallaos,
bycause that in the seas therabout he founde so great
multitudes of certayne bygge fyshes,much like unto Tunnies1
(which the inhabitants cal Baccallaos), that they somtymes
stayed his shyppes. He founde also the people of those
°ePredwith regi°ns covered with beastes skynnes, yet not without the
use of reason. He also sayth there is great plentie of
Bearcs in those regions, whiche use to eate fyshe ; for,
plungeing themselves into the water where they perceive
a multitude of these fyshes to lye, they fasten theyr
clawes in theyr scales, and so drawe them to lande and
eate them : so that (as he sayth) the Beares, beyng thus
satisfied with fyshe, are not noysome to men. He declareth
1 Tynnos.
IStcS
rnnes.
ACCOUNT FROM RAMUSIO. 211
further that, in many places of these regions, he saw great
plentie of laton1 among the inhabitants. (Cabot is my
very frend, whom I use familierlye, and delyte to have
hym sometymes keepe me company in my owne house2 :)
so beyng called out of Englande by (commandement of3)
the catholyque kyng of Castile, after the death of Henry
kyng of Englande4 (the seventh of that name3), he was
made one of our counsayle (and assistance as touching the
affayres of the new Indies3), lookyng dayly for shyppes to
be furnished for hym to discover this hyd secret of nature.
This voyage is appoynted to be begunne in the Marche in
the yeere next folowyng, beyng the yeere of Christ 1516.
What shall succeede your holynesse shalbe advertysed by
my letters, yf God graunt me Jyfe.5 Some of the Spaniardes
denye that Cabot was the fyrst fynder of the lande of
BacaHaos, and affirme that he went not so farre weste-
warde : (But it shall suffice to have sayde thus muche of
the gulfes and strayghtes, and of Sebastian Cabot0).
Ramusio's Recollection of a Letter from
Sebastian Cabot.
(Vol. iii, Preface, p. 4 ; ed. 1556.)
It is not yet thoroughly known whether the lande set in
fiftie degrees of latitude to the north be separated and
divided by the sea as islands, and whether by that way one
may goe by Sea unto the Country of Cathaio : as many
yeeres past it was written unto me by Sebastian Gabotto,
1 Orichalcum (copper ore).
- " Familiarem habeo domi Cabottum ipsum et contubernalem
interdum." 3 Interpolation.
4 " Majoris Britannise." 5 " Modo vivere detur."
G " De fascibus et Cabotto jam satis."
P 2
212 ACCOUNT BY THE GUEST OF FRACASTOR.
our (countrie man1) Venetian, man of great experience, and
very rare in the art of Navigation and the knowledge of
Cosmographic, who sayled along and beyond the lande of
Newe Fraunce at the charges of King Henrie the seventh,
King of England. And he told me that having sayled a
long time West and by North2 beyonde these Hands unto
the latitude of 6j degrees and a halfe under the North
Pole, and, at the 1 1 day of June, finding still open Sea
without any manner of impediment, hee thought verily by
that way to have passed on still the way to Cathaio,
which is in the East, and would have done it, if the
mutinie3 of the shipmasters and marriners had not rebelled
and made him to returne homewards from that place.4
Account of Sebastian Cabot by the Anonymous
Guest5 at the House of Hieroni.mus Fracastor.
(Ramusw, ed. Ven., 1550-53, i, f. 414.)
During a short pause he turned towards us and said:
" Do you not know, with reference to this business of going
in search of India by the north, what was done6 by your
Venetian fellow-citizen, who was so learned and experienced
in matters relating to navigation and cosmography that he
1 Interpolated by Hakluyt.
2 " Ponente e quarto di Maestro." 3 " Malignita."
4 This is the source from which Sir Humphrey Gilbert derived his
very inaccurate information about Sebastian Cabot, in his Discourse
of a Discoverie of a New Passage to Cataia. He also has the date
June nth, found nowhere else, the latitude 67" 30' and the open sea,
with the mutiny.
5 Ramusio withholds the name of the guest. Mr. Harrisse has
shown that it was not the legate Galeatius Butrigarius, as affirmed by
Fox (p. 13) and others : copying Eden. For Galeas Butrigari had
long been dead (p. 338).
0 Hakluyt has "as did of late", instead of "what was done by".
ACCOUNT BY THE GUEST OF FRACASTOR. 213
has not now his equal in Spain. His attainments have
caused him to be preferred to all the pilots who navigate
to the western Indies, who are not able to exercise their
employments without his licence, and for this reason his
title is " Chief Pilot." We answered that we did not know
it, and he continued, saying that finding himself in the city
of Seville a few years ago,1 and desiring to know about
those navigations of the Castillians, he was told that a
distinguished Venetian was there who had knowledge of
them, named Sebastian Caboto, who knew how to make
marine charts with his own hands, and understood the art
of navigation better than anyone else. He soon found
himself in company with the Venetian, and said that
he was a most gentle and courteous person who was very
kind, showing him many things, and, among others, a
great mappe-monde with the special navigations as well
of the Portuguese as of the Castillians. Caboto said :
" My father having left Venice many years, and having
come to live in England as a merchant in the city of
London, I being then very young, yet had I already learnt
the humanities and the sphere. My father died at the
time when the news came that the Genoese Christopher
Columbus had discovered the coast of the Indies, and
it was much discussed by everyone at the court of King
Henry VII, who then reigned, saying that it was a thing
more divine than human2 to have found that way never
before known to go to the east where the spices grow. In
this way a great and heartfelt desire arose in me to achieve
some signal enterprise. Knowing by a study of the sphere
that if I should navigate to the west I would find a shorter
route to the Indies, I quickly made known my thought to
his Majesty the King, who was well content, and fitted out
1 Hakluyt has : "being certain years in the city of Seville".
2 " Dicendosi che era stata cosa piutosto divina che humana.'
214 ACCOUNT BY THE GUEST OF FRACASTOR.
two caravels for me with everything needful. This was1 in
1496, in the commencement of the summer. I began to
navigate towards the west, expecting not to find land
until I came to Catay, whence I could go on to the
Indies. But, at the end of some days, I discovered that
the land trended northwards, to my great disappoint-
ment; so I sailed along the coast to see if I could find
some gulf where the land turned, until I reached the
height of 56 ' under our pole, but, finding that the land
turned eastward, I despaired of finding an opening. I
turned to the right to examine again to the southward,
always with the object of finding a passage to the Indies,
and I came to that part which is now called Florida.
Being in want of victuals, I was obliged to return thence
to England, where I found great popular tumults among
the rebels, and a war with Scotland. So that there was
no chance of further navigation to those parts being
considered, and I therefore went to Spain to the Catholic
King and Queen Isabella,2 who, having heard what I had
done, took me into their service, and provided for me
well, sending me on a voyage of discovery to the coast of
Brazil. I found a very wide river, now called La Plata,
which I navigated for 200 leagues, always finding it very
beautiful and populous, the people coming to see me full
of wonder. There were so many rivers that it could
hardly be believed. I made many other voyages, which
I do not mention, and at last, finding that I was growing
old, I wished to rest, after having instructed so many
practical and valiant young seamen, by whose forwardness
I do rejoice in the fruit of my labour, and rest with the
1 Hakluyt has interpolated : " so farre as I remember".
- This cannot be true. Isabella died in 1504, and Sebastian Cabot
came to Spain in 15 12.
ACCOUNT FROM GOMARA. 21 5
charge of this office as you see." This is what I learnt
from Sebastian Caboto.1
Account of Sebastian Cabot from Gomara.2
(1552.)
He who obtained the most news of this land was Sebas-
tian Gaboto, a Venetian. He armed two vessels in Eng-
land (where he had been brought up from a child) at the
cost of King Henry VII, who desired to trade with the
spice country like the King of Portugal. Others say that
it was at his own cost, and that he promised the King of
England to go by the north to Catay, and to bring spices
thence in a shorter time than the Portuguese brought
them from the south. He also went to ascertain what
land of the Indies could be settled. He took 300 men,
and went in the direction of Iceland to the cape of
Labrador, reaching 58 °,3 although he says much more.
He relates how that, in the month of July, it was so cold,
and there were such great pieces of ice, that he could get
no further, that the days were very long and almost without
night, and that the nights were very clear. It is certain
that in 60 the days have 18 hours. Considering the cold
and the forbidding nature of the country, he turned to the
south, and, passing the Baccalaos, he proceeded as far as
38o, returning thence to England.
1 With reference to this conversation, Ramusio says he does not
pretend to be able to relate it exactly as he heard it, for that would
require a better memory than his, but he will strive briefly to give
what he is able to recollect.
- Historia General de las índias. Parte I : Cap. de los Bacallaos.
3 " Hasta se poner en 58V
216 account from galvão.
Account of Sebastian Cabot from the Tratado
of Antonio Galvão. 1550.1
In the yecre 1496 there was a Venetian in England
called John Cabota, who having knowledge of such a new
discoverie as this was, and perceiving by the globe that
the islands before spoken of stood about in the same
latitude with his countrey, and much neerer to England
than to Portugal 1 or to the Castile, he acquainted King
Henrie the seventh, then King of England, with the same,
wherewith the saide king was greatly pleased, and furnished
him out with two ships and three hundred men : which
departed and set saile in the spring of the yeare, and they
sailed westward til they came in sight of land, in 45 degrees
of latitude towards the north, and then went straight
northwards till they came into sixty degrees of latitude,
where the day is 18 howers long, and the night is very
cleere and bright. There they found the aire cold, and
great islands of ice, but no ground in seventy, eight)', or
hundred fathoms sounding, but found much ice, which
alarmed them : and so from thence, putting about, finding
the land to turne eastwards, they trended along by it,
discovering all the bay and river named Deseado,2 to see
if it passsd on the other side ; then they sailed back again
till they came to 38 degrees towards the equinoctial line,
and from thence returned into England. There be others
which say that he went as far as the Cape of Florida,
which standeth in 25 degrees.
1 From the translation published by the Hakluyt Society with the
Portuguese text, p. 88.
2 " Descobrindo toda a baya, rio, enseada."
intrigues with venice. 217
Sebastian Cabot's Intrigues with Venice.
Despatch of the Council of Ten to Gaspar Contarini.1
27th September 1522.
To our Orator near the Caesarean and Catholic Majesty.
Since the other day one Don Hierolamo di Marin de
Bucignolo, a Ragusan, who came before the presence of
the Chiefs of our Council of Ten, said that he was sent by
one Sebastian Cabotto, who declares that he belongs to
this our city, and now resides in Seville, where he has the
appointment, from that Caesarean and Catholic Majesty, of
his Chief Pilot for the discovery and navigation of new
lands. And in his name he referred to an accompanying
deposition as his credential, touching which, although we
do not see that we can place much trust in it, yet, as there
may be some importance in it, we have not thought fit
to reject the offer of the same Sebastian to come to our
presence, to say what he has in his mind respecting this
matter. Hence we are content that the said Hierolamo
should write to him according to the tenor of what you
will see in the enclosed. We therefore desire, and we, the
said Heads of our Council of Ten, instruct you that, with
all diligence but with due caution, you shall take means to
find out if the aforesaid Sebastian is in the court or about
to come there shortly, in which case you are to procure
that he shall come to you, and you are to deliver to him
the said letter which we have arranged to send by another
way to your very faithful servant, that it may reach you
presently. You should endeavour to find out something of
1 This correspondence with the Venetian Ambassador in Spain is
preserved at Venice. It was printed by Mr. Harrisse for his work on
the Cabots, and it has been translated from his text for the Hakluyt
Society, with his permission.
2l8 INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
the matter in hand in the event of his being disposed to be
open with you, in which case we are well content to leave
it to you to ascertain his sentiments. When you see him
you should move him with sound reasoning, and encourage
him to come here, for we are not only desirous but anxious
that he should come to us securely. If he should not be
at court, nor about to come, but returned to Seville, take
care to send all letters by a safe channel, so that they may
reach him. Let him know by whom they are sent, that
they come from his own friends here, and under any
circumstances report everything to the said Heads of our
Council of Ten. Having just received letters from the
Captain-General of Cândia, with news touching the affairs
of Rhodes, we send you a summary, that you may com-
municate it to that Csesarean and Catholic Majesty, to the
magnificent Grand Chancellor, to the reverend Bishop of
Valencia, and to others in your discretion.
JULIANUS GrADOVICO, C. C.
Andreus Mudesco, C. C.
Dominicus Capelo, C. C.
Recompense granted to tJie Ragnsan.
1522, September 27. In the college of the Lords the
Heads of the most illustrious Council of Ten.
That it ma\- be ordered to the Chamberlain of our
Council of Ten that from the moneys of their treasury
there be disbursed a gift of 20 ducats to the Lord Hieronimo
de Marin, a Ragusan, for good cause.
The order given.
INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 2IO.
Despatch from Contarini to the Senate of Venice.
Valladolid, 31st December 1522.
Most Serene Prince and most excellent Lords, —
On the third vigil of the Nativity, with due reverence,
I received the letter from your Lordships dated the 27th
of September ; by which is explained to me the proposal
of Hieronimo, the Ragusan, in the name of Sebastian
Caboto, and I am instructed, if he is at the Court, to give
him that letter and to make certain proposals to him,
opening the whole business, and exhorting him to come
to the feet of your Serenity. In order to execute these
instructions, I dexterously ascertained whether he was at
the Court, and, this being so, I sent to say that my
secretary had to deliver a letter sent by a friend of his, and
that, if he wished to receive it, he should come to my
lodgings.
He understood this from my servant who went to him,
and came on Christmas Eve at the hour of dinner. I
withdrew with him, and gave him the letter, which he
read, and, in reading it, he lost all colour. Having read it,
he put it in his pocket without speaking to me, and
looking frightened and amazed. I then said to him that,
when he should desire to answer that letter, he should tell
me what he wished, and that I would write to those who
had sent it, for that 1 should be prompt in making the
business end well. Having been reassured, he spoke to
me : " I had already spoken to the Ambassador of the
most illustrious Seigneury in England, owing to the affec-
tion I have for the fatherland, when those newly-found
lands could be made of such great utility to my country ;
and now, as regards what has been written to me, you
ought to know all ; but I pray you that it may be kept
secret, for it is a matter on which my life depends." I then
220 INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
told him that I knew all about it very well, and how the
Ragusan was brought before the most excellent Chief
Lords, and that I have received intelligence of all that was
sent in that letter from the most secret magistrate. But,
as some gentlemen were coming to dine with me, it was
not convenient to discuss the business further at that time.
It would be better if he would return in the afternoon,
when we might confer more fully. He then went away
and returned at night, when I received him alone in my
room. He said to me : " Lord Ambassador, to tell you
all, I was born in Venice, but was brought up in England,
and afterwards entered the service of this Catholic King of
Spain, and was made captain by King Ferdinand, with
a salary of 50 m. maravedis. I was then made Chief
Pilot by this King, with another 50 m. maravedis, and, to
help my expenses, was given 25 m. maravedis, making in
all 125 m. maravedis, which may be reckoned at nearly
300 ducats. Having returned to England three years ago,
that most reverend Cardinal wished that I would under-
take the command of a fleet of his to discover countries,
which fleet was nearly ready, he being prepared to expend
upon it 30 m. ducats. I replied that, being in the service of
this Majesty, I was not able to undertake it without his
permission. At that time, conversing with a Venetian
friar named Stragliano Collona, with whom I had a great
friendship, he said to me : ' Messer Sebastian, you are
very anxious to do great things for foreigners ; do you not
remember your own country? Is it not possible that you
might also be useful to it ?' I felt this in my heart at the
time, and replied that I would think over it. Having
returned to him on the following da}-, I said that I had
a way by which that city might participate in these
voyages, and I showed him a way which would be of
great utility. As by serving the King of England I should
not be able to serve my country, I wrote to the Caesarean
INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 221
Majesty that he should not, on any account, give me
permission to serve the King of England, because there
would be great injury to his service, but that he should
recall me. Having returned to Seville, I formed a great
friendship with this Ragusan who now writes to me, telling
me that I ought to transfer my services to Venice. I have
opened myself to him, and I charged him that the affair
should not be made known to anyone but the Heads of the
Ten, and he swore this to me on the sacrament." I answered
him first by praising his affection for his native land, and
then said that the Ragusan had been to the most excellent
Chief Lords, had received letters on the subject, and that now
they should be informed of the details of his plan, and that
the time was come for him to present himself before
your most excellent Lordships in person. But he replied
that as he could not explain his thought to any others than
the most excellent Chief Lords, and that he must there-
fore proceed to Venice, it would first be necessary to
obtain permission from the Emperor, on the plea that he
wished to recover the dowry of his mother, on which affair
he would speak to the magnificent Chancellor and the
Bishop of Burgos, if I would write in his favour to your
serenity. I answered that, as he wished to go to Venice, I
commended the way in which he proposed to obtain leave.
As I did not wish to expose his scheme, not wishing to do
more than he desired, I thought it well to say this much,
adding that in any deliberation he ought to consider two
things: one was that the proposal should be useful, and the
other that its utility could be secured. But with regard to
the possibility of such an issue I am very doubtful. For I
have some slight knowledge of geography, and, considering
the position of Venice, I can see no way whatever by
which she can undertake these voyages. It would be
necessary to sail in vessels built at Venice, or else they
must be built outside the strait. If they are built at
222 INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
Venice they will have to pass the Straits of Gibraltar to
reach the ocean, which would not be possible in face of
the opposition of the King of Portugal and the King
of Spain. If they are not built at Venice they can only
be built on the shore of the western ocean ; for they
cannot be constructed in the Red Sea without infinite
trouble. First it would be necessary to make an agree-
ment with the Turk ; and, secondly, the scarcity of timber
would make it impossible to build ships. Even if they
were built, the forts and armed vessels of the Portuguese
would make it impossible to continue that navigation.
Nor can I see any possibility of building ships on the
western ocean, Germany being subject to the Emperor.
So that I can perceive no way whatever by which mer-
chandise could be brought to Venice from those ships, or
from the ships to Venice ; but, being an inexpert person in
such matters, I merely made these observations to him.
He replied that there was much in what I said, and that
truly nothing could be done with vessels built in Venice
or in the Red Sea. But that there was another way, which
was not only possible but easy, by which ships might be
built, and merchandize be carried from the port to Venice,
and from Venice to the port, as well as gold and other
things. He added : " I know, because I have navigated to
all those countries, and am familiar with all. I told you
that I would not undertake the voyage for the King of
England, because that enterprise would in no way benefit
Venice." I shrugged my shoulders, and, although the
thing appeared to me to be impossible, I would not dis-
suade him further, so as not to discourage him from
presenting himself to your Highnesses, and I considered
that the possibilities are much more ample than is often
believed. This man has great renown, and so for the
present we parted. On the day of St. John he came to see
me, to look at some words in the letter of the Ragusan,
INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 223
doubting whether they might arouse suspicion, and so the
letter was rewritten and corrected. He then discussed
many geographical points with me, and told me of a
method he had observed of finding the distance between
two places east and west of each other, by means of the
needle. It is a beautiful discovery, never observed by any
one else, as he will be able to explain when he comes
before your serenity. And reasoning with him on the
principal business, I dexterously repeated my objections ;
but he repeated that the way was easy. " I will go to
Venice, at my expense", he said ; " they will hear and be
pleased with the plan I have devised ; I will return at my
own expense," and he urged me to keep the matter secret.
Such is the arrangement that I have made. Your serenity
will hear, and your wisdom will decide on what shall
appear best.
Despatch of Contarini to the Senate of Venice.
Valladolid, March 7th, 1523.
Most serene Prince and most excellent Lords, —
That Sebastian Cabot, with whom your Excellencies
instructed me to speak on the subject of the spice-countries,
and respecting whom I reported, has been to me several
times, always giving me to understand that his wish is to
come to Venice, and to work in the interests of your
Highnesses in that matter of the spiceries. At length he
sought me to say that he could not now seek permission
to go, doubting whether it might not be suspected that he
wished to go to England, and that he would be absent
three months. After that he would come to the feet of your
most illustrious Lordships, praying that meanwhile a letter
might be written in the form of the other that was sent,
asking him to come to Venice to expedite his private
affairs, thus leave would be more easily obtained. I write
224 INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
to your Highnesses to report what this Sebastian has
said, respecting which steps will be taken as seems desir-
able.
The Council of Ten to Contarini.
Lord Gasparo Contarini, our Orator near the Caesarean
Majesty.
28th April 1523.
We have received, a few days since, your despatches
addressed to the Chiefs of our Council of Ten, dated the
last of December, in which you report all the intercourse
you have had with Sebastian Cabotto on the subject of
the spices, and we cannot refrain from highly commending
the prudence and judgment with which you have con-
ducted the negotiation. We have also received your
despatch of March 7th, from which we learn the resolu-
tion of the said Sebastian not to come here for three
months ; and that he requests a letter may be written on
the subject of his own affairs, whereby leave may be more
easily obtained. We have therefore caused another letter
to be prepared in the name of that Hieronimo de Marino
from Ragusa, who came here to make the proposal, and
we have ordered that it be placed in the bundle of your
circumspect Secretary like the last, to be delivered to the
said Caboto, telling him that he should come here in
accordance with his promise, as he will always be wel-
comed by us. Let the said Caboto be informed of this,
and, if he is not at Court, the letter should be forwarded to
him. Take care that it reaches him. The said Hieronimo
Marino is not now to be found here in Venice, nor do we
know where he is ; but the letters of this Hieronimo arrive
here. Receive what we say as your instructions.
Andreas Foscarenus, C. C.
Jacobus Michael, C. C.
Andreas Fosculus, C. C.
INTRIGUES WITH VENICE. 225
Letter from the Ragusan to Cabot.
Venice, April 2SU1, 1523.
Respectable Master Sebastian, —
It is some months since I came to Venice, and I
wrote to you an account of what I had done to inquire
where your goods are to be found, that I received good
words on all hands, and was given good hope that I should
recover the dower of your mother,1 so that I have no
doubt, if you could come, you would obtain all your desires.
For the love I bear you, and for your own welfare and
benefit, I exhort you not to be false to yourself, but
to come here to Venice, where, I doubt not, you will
obtain everything ; so do not delay in coming here, for
your anieda is very old, and failing her there will be very
great trouble in recovering your property. Set out as
soon as possible ; so no more at present.
I am, always yours,
HlERONIMO DE MARINO.
Despatch of Contarini.
Valladolid, July 26th, 1523.
Most serene Prince and most excellent Lords, —
By the post arrived from Italy, coming by way of Rome,
I received with due reverence your letter of April 23rd, in
which your serenity informed me of the receipt of my
letters reporting the negotiation with Sebastian Cabot ;
and adding that other letters have been sent to Sebastian
in the name of that Hieronimo of Ragusa with reference
to his request. By good luck Sebastian was in Seville
when he received the letters, and he returned here on
being exhorted to come. He told me that he had no
other thought, and with that object he had come ; adding
I " Et ameda" (?).
226 INTRIGUES WITH VENICE.
that he had sought permission from the Cesarean Council
to confer with me, and they have also spoken to me in his
commendation. I will advise your serenity of what may
happen next.
Despatch of the Council of Ten to Giacomo Soranco,
Venetian Ambassador in England}
1 2th September 1 5 5 1.
By your letters of the 17th of last month to the Heads
of our Council of Ten, we have understood what you have
deemed it necessary to report respecting our most faithful
Sebastian Gaboto, which has been very agreeable to us,
and we approve of your diligence in obtaining special
information respecting his quality and condition. In
reply, we say that you should inform him that this his
offer is most gratifying, using the best words that your
judgment suggests. As to the request that has been made
to you by those Lords, touching the credit he claims and
the recovery of goods, you can reply that we desire to do
all we can to make things agreeable to that Majesty and
to their Lordships ; but, as Gaboto is not known to anyone
here, it will be necessary that he himself should come per-
sonally to justify his claim, the matters of which he speaks
being of very old date, and we have now replied to the
magnificent Ambassador of that Majesty in conformity
with your letter ; therefore explain all this to Gaboto. On
this ground he might ask and obtain permission to come,
and you should see that he has the means to come here as
soon as possible. You should endeavour, using the same
method, to gather further information from him respecting
those important particulars that you have been able to
report hitherto, as well as his designs touching this navi-
gation, transmitting full details to the Heads.
1 Calendar of State Papers (Venice), v, No. 711, p. 264.
DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO
THE VOYAGES
GASPAR CORTE REAL
Q2
DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO
GASPAR CORTE REAL.
From the "Tratado" of Antonio Galvam.
(Extract.)
1563.
N this same year, 1500, it is reported
that Gaspar Corte Real craved a gene-
ral licence of the King Dom Manoel
to go and discover a new land. He
departed from the island of Terceira
with two ships, armed at his own
cost, and went to that region which is under the 50th
degree of north latitude, a land now called by his name.
He returned safely to the city of Lisbon. Taking this
route once more, the ship in which he went was lost, and
the other returned to Portugal. For this cause his brother,
Miguel Corte Real, went in search of him, with three ships,
armed at his own cost. Arrived on that coast, as there
were so many bays and estuaries, each ship entered into
her own port, with this rule, that they should all meet again
on the 20th of August. The two other ships did so; and
seeing that the ship with Miguel Corte Real did not come
at the appointed time, after some time they returned to
230 ACCOUNT FROM THE CHRONICLES.
this kingdom, and never more had tidings of him. nor did
other memory of him abide. The country is called the
land of the Corte Reals to this day.
From the u Chronica do Felicíssimo Rei dom Emanuel'',
compósita per Damiam de Goes (Lisboa, 1566, foi. 65).
Gaspar Corte Real, son of Joam Vaz Corte Real, was an
enterprising man, valorous, and eager to gain honour. He
proposed to undertake the discovery of lands towards the
north, because many discoveries had been made to the
south. Thus he obtained favour for his undertaking from
the king, whose servant he was when Duke of Beja, and
armed one ship, which was well supplied with men and all
necessaries. He sailed from the port of Lisbon in the
beginning of the summer of 1500. In this voyage he
discovered, in that direction of the north, a land which was
very cool and with great woods, as are all lands that lie in
that direction. He gave it the name of Green Land.1
The people are very barbarous and wild, almost like those
of the land of Sancta Cruz.2 At first they are white, but
they are so cut up by the cold that they lose their white-
ness with age, and remain brown. They are of medium
height, very agile, and great archers, using sticks hardened
by fire instead of darts, with which they make as good
a cast as if it was tipped with fine steel. They dress in
the skins of animals which abound in that land. They
live in caverns of the rocks and in huts. They believe
much in diviners ; they practise matrimony, and are very
jealous of their women : in which things they resemble
the Lapps, who also live in the north from 70 to 85 degrees,
fugitives from the Kings of Norway and Sweden, to whom
1 The east coast of Newfoundland» 2 Brazil.
FROM THE CHRONICLE OF DAMIAM DE GOES. 23 1
they pay tribute, always remaining in their heathen state
from want of teaching. In the book that treats of the
faith, customs, and religion of the Ethiopians, Abexis in
the Latin language, dedicated to Pope Paul III, towards
the end there is a lamentation, in which it is explained in
detail whence so great an evil proceeds. Returning to
Gaspar Corte Real, after he had discovered that land, and
coasted along a great part of it, he returned to this king-
dom. Presently, in the year 1501, being desirous of dis-
covering more of this province, and of becoming better
acquainted with its advantages, he departed from Lisbon
on the 15th of May; but it is not known what happened
to him in this voyage, for he never more appeared, nor
were there any tidings of him. The delay and the sus-
picion that began to arise of his fate caused Miguel Corte
Real, Chief Porter of the King, for the great love he bore
his brother, to determine to go in search of him. He left
Lisbon on the 10th of May 1502 with two ships, but there
were never any tidings of them. The king felt the loss of
these two brothers very much, and, of his own royal and
pious motion, in the year 1503, he ordered two armed
ships to be fitted out at his own cost, to go in search of
them. But it could never be ascertained how either the
one or the other was lost. To that part of the province of
Green Land where it was believed that the brothers were
lost the name was given of the Land of the Corte Reals.
These two brothers, Gaspar and Miguel Corte Real, had
another brother, whose name was Vasque Anes Corte Real,
who was Controller of the King's Household, of his Council,
Captain-Governor of the Islands of St. George and Ter-
ceira, and Alcalde Mayor of the city of Tavilla.1 He was
a very good knight and Christian, a man of exemplary life,
and one who dispensed many charities, both publicly and
1 Tavira in Algarve.
232 LETTER FROM CANTINO.
in secret. His son and heir is Emanuel Corte Real, also of
the King's Council and Captain of the same islands, who
now lives. This Vasque Anes Corte Real, unable to per-
suade himself that his brothers were dead, determined to fit
out ships at his own cost, and go in search of them, in the
year 1503. But, on requesting the king to excuse his
absence, his Majesty could not consent that he should
proceed further in that business, holding that it was
useless, and that all had been done that could be
done.
A Letter from Alberto Cantino to Hercules d Este,
Duke of Ferrara. {Extract.)
Most Illustrious and Most Excellent Prince, and my very
singular good Lord.
Lisbon, October 17th, 1501.
It is now nine months since this most serene king sent
to the northern part two well-armed ships, to ascertain
if it would be possible to discover land or some islands in
that direction. On the nth of the present month one of
them returned, and has brought people and tidings, which
it appeared to me ought not to pass without the know-
ledge of your Excellence. Therefore all that was related
by the captain to the king, I being present, is here clearly
written down. First they stated that, after leaving Lisbon,
they always went on that course and towards that pole
for four months, nor during all that time did they see
anything. In the fifth month, still wishing to push on,
they say that they came upon enormous masses of con-
gealed snow floating upon the sea, and moving under the
influence of the waves. Owing to the heat of the sun,
sweet and clear water is melted on their summits, and,
LETTER FROM CANTING».
*Ó5
descending by small channels formed by the water itself,
it eats away at the base where it falls. The ships now
being in want of water, the boats were sent in, and in that
way as much was taken as was needed. Fearing to
remain in that place by reason of their danger, they
intended to turn back ; but they consulted what was their
best course, and, aided by hope, they resolved to go
forward for some days. Proceeding on the voyage, they
arrived at the frozen sea on the second day, and were
forced to abandon their intention. So they began to turn
towards the north-west and west, and were three months
continuing in that direction, always with fine weather. On
the first day of the fourth month they came in sight,
between these two courses, of a very great country, which
they approached with the greatest joy. Many large rivers
of fresh water flowed through this region into the sea, one
of them sending its waters for perhaps a league from the
land. When they landed they found delicious fruits of
various kinds, trees and pines of marvellous height and girth,
suited for masts of the largest ships that float in the sea.
Here there is no corn of any kind, but the men of that
country say that they only live by fishing and hunting
animals, in which the land abounds. There are very large
stags with long hair, the skins of which they use for
clothes, and make houses and boats of them. There are
also wolves, foxes, tigers, and sables. They affirm that the
peregrine falcons are so numerous that it appears to me to
be a miracle, like those in our country. I have seen them,
and they are very fine. They kidnapped nearly 50 of the
men and women of that land by force, and brought them
to the king. I have seen them, touched and examined
them. Beginning with their size, I say they are bigger
than our people, with well-formed limbs to correspond.
The hair of the men is long, as we wear it, letting it hang
in plaited rings. They have the face marked with great
234 LETTER FROM CANTINO.
signs, like those of the Indians. Their eyes incline to
green, and when they look from them it gives a great
fierceness to the whole countenance. Their speech cannot
be understood, but, however, there is no sharpness in it, and
it is altogether human. Their behaviour and gestures are
very gentle ; they laugh a good deal, and show great
delight. So much for the men. The woman has small
breasts and a very beautiful body. She has a very
gentle countenance, and its colour may be said to be more
white than any other tint, but that of the men is much
darker. In fine, except for the fierce look of the men,
they are very like ourselves. They are naked except for
a small covering made of deer-skin. They have no arms
nor iron, but for working or fashioning anything, they use
a very hard and sharp stone, with which there is nothing
so hard as that they cannot cut it. This ship has come
from thence to this place in a month, and they say that
the distance is 2,Soo miles. The other consort has decided
to go so far along the coast, with the desire of ascertaining
whether it is an island or mainland. The king awaits the
arrival of the others with much anxiety, and as soon as
they come, bringing news worthy of your Excellency's
attention, I will at once send the particulars.1
Servant,
Alberto Cantino.
To the most illustrious Prince and most
excellent Lord Hercules d'Estc,
Duke of Ferrara, my most worthy
and singular eood Lord.
1 First printed by Mr. Harrisse in his work on Corte Real, p. 204,
from the MS. in the State Archives at Modena. The letter has been
translated from Mr. Harrisse's text for the Hakluyt Society, with
his permission.
LETTER FROM PASQUALIGO. 235
Letter from Pietro Pasqualigo to the Seigneury of Venice.
Lisbon, October 18th, 1501.
On the ninth of the present month there arrived here
one of the two caravels which the Majesty of the said
king sent to discover towards the north-western part in
the past year. It has brought seven natives, men, women,
and children, from that discovered land. The country is
at a distance of 1,800 miles to north and west. These
men, in their aspect, figure, and stature, are like gipsies.
They are marked on the face in several places, some with
more, others with fewer lines. They are dressed in skins
of different animals, but chiefly of otters. Their speech is
entirely different from any that has ever been heard in
this kingdom, and no one understands it. Their limbs are
exceedingly well made, and they have very gentle coun-
tenances ; but their habits are filthy, like wild men. The
people of the caravel believe that the above land is the
mainland, and that it joins to the other land that, in the
previous year, was discovered to the north by another
caravel of his Majesty. But they were not able to reach it,
because the sea was frozen over with vast quantities of
snow like mountains on the land. They also think that it
is joined to the Andilie,1 which were discovered by the
Sovereigns of Spain, and with the land of Papagà, lately
discovered by the ship of this king when on its way to
Calicut.2 This belief is caused, in the first place, because,
having coasted along the said land for a distance of 600
miles and more, they did not come to any termination ;
also because they report the discovery of many very large
rivers which fall into the sea. The other caravel (Capitana)
1 Antilles. The Portuguese were the first to give this name to the
West Indian Islands.
2 Brazil visited in 1500 by Cabral, but not discovered. Pinzon
had been there in the previous year.
236 LETTER FROM PASQUALIGO.
is expected from day to day, from which the quality and
condition of the said land will be clearly understood, as
she has gone further along that coast, to discover as much
as possible. This royal Majesty has derived great satis-
faction from the news, because he considers that this land
will be very useful to his affairs in many respects, but
principally because, being very near to this kingdom, it
will be easy, in a short time, to obtain abundant
supplies of wood for making the masts and yards of ships,
and slaves fit for any work ; for they say that the land is
very populous, and also full of pines and other excellent
timber. This news has given such pleasure to his Majesty
that he has issued orders for ships to go there, and also for
the increase of his Indian fleet, to conquer it as quickly as
it was discovered ; for there it appears that God is with
his Majesty and his works, and favours his designs.1
Letter from Pietro Pasqualigo to his Brothers.
Lisbon. October 19th, 1501.
jfc 2}fc 3ÊL £fe A. ' JjL jk
On the 8th of the present month there arrived here one
of the two caravels which this most serene king sent on a
voyage of discovery towards the north in the past year,
under Captain Gaspar Corterat {sic). It reports having
discovered land two thousand miles from here towards the
north-west and west, which was before not known to any
one. They discovered from 6co to 7C0 miles of coast-
line, without finding the end of it. They, therefore, believe
that it is mainland, which is continuous with another land
1 Printed by Mr. Harrisse in his work on Corte Real, p. 209, from
the Diatii di Marino Sam/ to, published at Venice, 1 880-1 881, in
quarto, torn, iv, Fascicule 24, pp. 200-201. The letter has been trans-
lated for the Hakluyt Society from Mr. Harrisse's text, with his
permission.
LETTER FROM PASQUALIGO. 237
discovered in the previous year to the north. The caravel
could not reach the end of the land because the sea was
frozen over with a vast quantity of snow. This is also
believed because of the multitude of very large rivers they
discovered there, for certainly there would not be so many
nor such large ones on an island. They say that this land
is very populous, and the houses of the inhabitants are of
wood, very large, and covered outside with skins of fish.
They have brought here seven of the natives, men, women,
children, and fifty others will come in the other caravel,
which is expected from hour to hour. These are like
gipsies in figure, stature, and appearance, and are dressed
in the skins of divers animals, but chiefly of otters. In
summer they turn the skin inside, and in winter the other
way. These skins are not sewn together in any way, nor
tanned, but are thrown over the shoulders and arms just
as they are taken from the animals. The loins are fastened
with some cord made of the very strong sinews of a fish.
Although they appear to be wild men, yet they are modest
and gentle, and their arms, shoulders, and legs so well
proportioned that I cannot describe them. Their faces
are marked in the fashion of the Indians, some with six,
some with eight, some with no lines. They talk, but they
are not understood by anyone. I believe they have been
addressed in every possible language. They have no iron
in their country, but make knives of some stones, and in
like manner the points for their arrows. They have
brought from thence a piece of a broken sword, gilded,
which was certainly made in Italy. A native boy had two
silver rings in his ears, which without doubt seem to have
been manufactured at Venice.1 This made me believe
that it was the mainland, because it is not possible that
1 These must have been relics of the expedition of John Cabot in
1498.
238 PAYMENT FOR THE CANTINO MAP.
a ship could ever have reached that place without having
been heard of. There is a very great abundance of salmon,
herrings, cod, and similar fish. There is also plenty
of wood, and, above all, fine trees for making masts and
yards of ships. This most serene king hopes to derive
very great profit from the new land, both from the wood
for ships, of which they have need, and from the men, who
will be excellent for labour, and the best slaves that have
hitherto been obtained. It appears to me a matter worthy
of being brought to your notice, and if I shall learn more
on the arrival of the caravel (Capitana), I will let you
know.1
Payment for the Cantino Map.
To the most illustrious and most excellent
Duke and Lord, the Lord Hercules
d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, and my Lord
and most respected benefactor.
Rome, November 19th, 1502.
Most illustrious and most excellent Duke and Lord, —
I understood what your Excellency desired of me, by the
letter sent to me in reply to one that I had previously
addressed, especially as touching the nautical chart.
By that humble reply I apprised your Excellency that
I had left the said chart at Genoa, in the hands of Master
Francesco Catanio, who has paid to me 20 ducats (striti)
that is to say, of three pounds each.
In truth, that chart cost me in Portugal, by contract,
12 golden ducats ; but, constrained by need, and having
1 First published in Paesi Novamente Retrovati (Vicenza, 1507,
cap. exxvi), and reprinted by Mr Harrisse in his work on Corte Real,
p. 211. It has been translated from Mr. Harrisse's text, with his
permission.
LEGEND ON THE CANTING MAT. 239
no one to whom to apply, I was obliged to accept that
sum, and to do what I have explained to your Excel-
lency.
The chart is of such a sort that I trust it will be pleas-
ing to your Excellency, and that your Excellency will not
regret having disbursed that sum, and that your Excel-
lency will further pay the twelve ducats that the said chart
cost me ; it will make me your Excellency's debtor.
Your Excellency will please to advise me what I ought
to do in this matter; meanwhile, holding me to be of the
number of the faithful servants
of the most illustrious and most excellent
Duke, the undersigned servant,
Alberto Cantino.1
Legends on the Cantino Map.
Legend by tJie Coast of Newfoundland.
Land of the King of Portugal.
This land was discovered by order of the very high and
most excellent Prince, the King Dom Manoel, King of
Portugal. It was discovered by Gaspar de Corte Real,
Gentleman of the Household of the said king, who, when
he had discovered it, sent thence a ship with certain men
and women found in that country, and he remained with
the other ship, and never more was seen. It is believed
that he perished. Here there are many masts.2
1 Printed by Mr. Harrisse in his work on Corte Real, p. 216, from a
manuscript in the Archives of the House of Este at Modena. It has
been translated from Mr. Harrisse's text, with his permission.
2 Trees for making masts (?).
240 LEGEND OX THE CANTINO MAP.
Legend on tJie East Coast of Greenland between tico
Portuguese Flags.
A ponta d. (assia).
This land was discovered by order of the very excellent
Prince Dom Manoel, King of Portugal, which it is believed
is a point of Asia. Those who discovered it did not land,
but they saw very serrated mountains ; it is for this reason,
according to the opinion of cosmographers, that it is
believed that this is the extremity of Asia.
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INDEX
JOURNAL OF COLUMBUS.
Açul Bay, sailing directions for,
121
Admiral of the Ocean Sea (see
Columbus), 17
Affonso V (see Portugal, King of)
Aguda, Pt., no
Aji, native pepper, 164
Alamo, Cristoval de, of Niebla, left
at Navidad, 144 n,
Alard (see Tallarte)
Alguazil (see Arana)
Almanack, prediction mentioned,
158, 159;/.
Aloes growing on Isabella Island,
51, 57; at Rio de Mares, 69, 74,
78 ; in Espanola, 106, HO
Altitude could not betaken owing to
rough sea, 1 71
Alto y Bajo, Cape, 120
Amaranth in Cuba, 60
Amiga Island, 132 ; rhubarb on,
142, 143
Anchorage ground, selection of,
45, 58 _
Andalusia, weather in Atlantic like,
in April or May, 24, 34, 49, 57,
60
Angel Point, 156, 157
Annunciation, feast of, celebrated,
117
Antilia Island, 8, 8 n. ; reports re-
specting, 20, 21 11.
Antonio of Jaen, left at Navidad,
J 44 »•
Aragon, Juan de, of Moguer, his evi-
dence respecting the expulsion of
the Jews from Palos, when Colum-
bus was fitting out, 16 n.
Arana, Diego de (Alguazil Mayor),
116 n. ; sent on shore for help
when the Santa Maria grounded,
134; left at Navidad, 144; in
jo'nt command, 145
Arena, Isleo de, 50, 57
Arrows of the natives, 115, 159
Asensio, Life of Columbus, Latin
text of Toscanelli letter, iv, 4 n. ;
original sketch of the vessels of
Columbus given by, iv
Assayer (see Castillo)
Astrolabe could not be used, owing
to rough sea, 171
Azores, land teen to the west of, 20
(see Flores) ; reckoning on return
voyage, 171, 172, 173, 178, 180;
inhospitable conduct of Portuguese
at, 181-183
Babeque or Baneque, reported is'and
yielding gold, 76, 77, 81, 83, 98,
105, no, 112, 116, 150
Bafan, suppo-ed province of the
Gran Can. 65
Baraona, Gabriel de, of Belmonte,
left at Navidad, 145 ;/.
Barcelona, sovereigns reported to be
at, 193
1<
p
is
b
a<
Lv
INDEX
JOURNAL OF COLUMBUS.
Açul Bay, sailing direction-; f. >r,
I 21
Admiral of the Ocean Sea (see
Columbus1, i-
Affonso V (see Portugal, King of)
Aguda, Pt., no
Aji, native pepper, 164.
Alamo, Cristoval de, of Xiebla, left
a' Navidad, 144 >/.
Alard (see Tallarte)
Alguazil (see Arana)
Almanack, prediction mentioned,
158, 159//.
Aloes growing on Isabella Island,
51, 57 : at Rio de Mares, 69, 74.
7S j in E-tpaftola, 106, no
Altitude could not be taken owing to
rough sea. 171
Alto y Bajo, Cape, 120
Amaranth in Cuba, 60
Amiga Island, 132 ; rhubarb on,
142, 143
Anchorage ground, selection of,
45, 58
Andalusia, weather in Atlantic like,
in April or .May, 24, 34, 40, 57.
DO
Angel Point, 150, 157
Annunciation, feast of, celebrated,
117
Antilia Island, S, S ;;. ; reports re-
Cting, 20. 21 ;:.
Antonio of Jaen, left at Navidad,
14; >i.
Aragon, Juan de, of Moguer, his evi-
dence respecting the expulsion of
the Jews from Palos, when Colum-
bus was fitting out, ió n.
Arana, Diego de (Alguazil Mayor».
11Õ n. : sent on shore for help
when the Samta Maria grounded,
134: left at Navidad, 144; in
jo'nt command, 14;
Arena, Isleo de, 50. 57
Arrows of the natives, 115, 159
Asensio, Life of Columbus, Latin
text of Toscanelli letter, iv, 4//. ;
original sketch of the vessels of
Columbus j^iven by, iv
Assayer^see Castillo!
Astrolabe could not be used, owing
to rough sea, 1 71
Azores, land seen to the west of, 20
^ee Flores» : reckoning on return
, . 1 71 . 17*1 173, 1 7-\ 180 :
inhospitable conduct of Portuguese
at, iSi - 1 S3
Babeque or Baneque, reported is'and
yielding 83, 9S,
105, no, 112, 1 16, 150
Bafan, supposed province of the
Gran Car
Baraona, Gabriel de, of Belmonte,
left at Navidad, 145 n.
Barcelona, sovereigns reported to be
at. 1 ;
142
INDEX.
Barco, Juan del, of Avila, left at
Navidad, 145 n.
Bartering at Guanahani, 37, 40; at
Fernandina, 49 ; in Cuba, 71 ;
forbidden, 67 (see Gold)
Bathing' alongside, sailors, during
voyage out, 29 ; Indians, when
homeward bound, 168
Becerro, Cape, 149
Behaim, Martin, globe, iv, 21 «.,
29 »., 59 71.
Belmonte, Don Fernando, his dis-
covery of a document at Seville
relating to the expulsion of the
Jew?, 16 n.
Belprado, Cape, 156
Bermeo, Domingo de; left at Navi-
dad, 145 n.
Bernaldez (historian), had access to
the Journal of Columbus, v
Birardi, Lorenzo, bearer of the letter
of Colimbus to Toscanelli, iii
Bird Rock, 54 «.
Birds seen on the voyage out: Terns.
167 ; Boatswain-birds, 23, 25,
30, 31 ; on voyage home, 168 ;
Duck.. 39 ; Boobies 26,27, 2&> 3°>
34, 166, 167 ; a boy hit ore with a
si one, 32 ; Sandpipers, 27, 28,
32j 35 ; Man-o'-War birds, 3c.
32 ; Frigate-bird, 167 ; absence
of Nightingales regretted, 24,
30, 103 ; Parrots, 37, 38, 39, 47,
54, 124; land discovered by flight
of, 33 ; variety o(, at Isabella
Island, 54 ; in Cuba, 59 ; song
of, in Cuba, 62
Boatswain-birds (ee Birds)
Bohio or Bosio. 55 : gold reported
at, 68, 76, 83, 98, 106, 131, 136,
144, 150
Bonnet sai'. 58, 178
Booby '>ee Birds)
Buen Tiempo. Cape, 157
Cacique, name first heard, 115, 118,
130 ; entertained by the Admiral,
118, 119; his procession, 119 (see
Guacanagari)
Cadiz, Port S1'. Nicholas compared
to it, 98 n. ; tunny fishery of, 166 ;
Duke of, 166 m.
Calabashes, great size, 95
Cami, supposed name of the Grand
Kan in Cuba, 63
Campana. Cape, 86, 87, 88
Can (^ee Kan)
Canada, 17 ; Pinta refitted at, 20
Canaries, 28 ; Pinta refitted at, 20 ;
distance from, 25, 26 ; colour of
natives, 39
Caniba (see Cariba)
Canoes of Guanahari, 39 ; escape
of, 43 ; rate of, 58 ; at Cuba, 91,
93, 94; man picked up íd, 112;
from Tortuga, 115; described, 124;
many round the ship, 128
Caona, native r.ame for gold, 159
Cape Verdes, 30
Capes :
Alpha et Omega, 97 n.
Alto y Bajo, 120
Aguda, no
Angel. 156, 157
Becerro. 149
Belprado, 156
Buen Tiempo, 157
Campana, S6, 87, SS
Caribata, 121
Cinquin, 99, 102, 105
Cuba, 76
Elefante, 99 103
Enamorado, 158
Estrella, 99
Frances, 157
Hermoso, 51, 52
Hierro, 157
Isleo, 56, 57
Laguna, 53
Lanzada, no
Lindo, 97
Del Monte, 97
Padre y Hijo, 157
Palmas, 63
INDEX.
243
Capes :
Del Pico, 86, S7
Pierna, 110
Redonda, 157
Roja, 153
Santa, 130, 133 147
San Theramo, 166
Seca, 157
Sierpe, 147
Tajado, 157
De Torres, 120
Verde, 58
Capilla, Dieço He, of Almeden,
left at Navidad, 144».
Caravels (see Nina, Pinta)
Carbacho, Pedro, of Cáceres, left at
Navidad, 145 n.
Carenero at Port St. Nicholas, 101,
102
Cariba believed to be nothing but
the Grand Kan, 106
Caribata, Mount, 120, 129, 132
Carib Island, 162, 163, 166
Caribs, reports abou% 87 ; arrows of,
115 ; mentioned, 137, 143, 144,
159. 160, 161
Cascaes nt mouth of the Tagus, 187
Castaneda, Juan, Portuguese Gover-
nor of Sta. Maria, his inhospitable
conduct, 181, 182
Castillo, an assayer of Seville, left
at Navidad, 144
Cathay, 6, 8, 63
Caulkers at Palos, their negligence,
162
Cavila, supposed name of the Grand
Can, 65
Chart sent by Toscanelli, 4 ; in the
hands of Las Casas, 4 n. ; de-
scription of Toscanelli chart, 5
28 n., 59 n. ; intention of Columbus
to draw one, 18 ; conversation be-
tween Columbus and Pinzon re-
specting, 28 ; plotting the position
on, 29, 173
Chief, 112, 116, 117, 118 (see
Cacique, Guacanagari)
Chios Island, mastick trade at, 74,
106
Chipangu, account by Marco Polo,
9 11. ; search for, ^, 40 ; Cuba
thought to be, 55, 56, 57 ; con-
fused with Cibao, vii, 131, 136
Cibao, supposed to be Chipangu,
vii, 131, 136, 141
Cinnamon trees alleged to have
been found by Pinzon, 67
Cinquin, Cape, 99, 102, 105
Cintra, 178; rock of, sighted, 187
Cipango and Cippongue (see Chi-
pangu)
Clarence Port in Long Island, 48 «.
Columbine Library (see Velasco)
Columbus, Christopher :
Journal, i, and v to ix
Original sketch of his vessels, iv, v
Correspondence with Toscanelli, ii,
ii', 3» 11
Extent of the discoveries due to,
viii
Date of his letter to Toscanelli, 3 n.
Address to the Sovereigns, 15
His mission, 16
Concessions to, 17
Intention to write a journal and
draw a chart, 18
Heard of land seen west of Madeira
and Azores, 20, 21
His double reckoning, 22, 29, 31
Explanation of the cause of varia-
tion, 24, 25 n., 31
Murmurs of his crew, 24, 28
Conversation with Pinzon respect-
ing the chart, 28
Speech to the sailors, 34
Sees the light, 35, 36
Lauds at Guanahani, 37
Describes the natives of Guana-
hani, 37-40
Explores the east coast of Guana-
hani, 41
Leaves Guanahani, 42
Policy with the natives, 43, 44,
45, 55
R 2
244
INDEX.
Columbus, Christopher :
Intention to sail round Fernandina
48
Remarks on the vegetation of Fer-
nandina, 50
Orders a rendezvous at Isabella
Island, 51
Remarks on beautiful scenery, viii,
52, 54, 60, 67, 86, 87, 89, 90,
122
E<pedition into the interior of
Isabella Island, 54
Seizure of natives by, 38, 43, 44,
75, 163, 164
Regrets his ignorance of botany, 57
Lands in Cuba, 59
Explores Rio de Mares, 67
Careened the ships, 68
Expio es Puerto del Principe, 78,
79,80
His remarks on the conduct of
Pinzon, 82, 142, 146, 150, 15 r,
152, 155
Reflection on the advantages of his
discovery, 90
Entertained a chief at dinner, 118,
119
His statement, proving his age, 122
Fear of being thought to exagge-
rate, 122
Orders that everything is to be paid
for, 124
His high opinion of the natives,
123, 124, 131, 135
Resting below, when the ship
grounded, 132
His measures for saving the ship,
133
Praise of the Chief Guacanagari,
135. 137
His orders to form a settlement
called Navidad, 138, 140
His reception by Guacanagari, 141
Takes leave of Navidad, 144
Restored the natives kidnapped by
Pinzon, 156
In the Bay of Samana, 158, 159
Columbus, Christopher :
Predict ons of his almanac, 158
Reflections on the encounter wi;h
natives, 161
Expectations of increased revenues
for the Crown, 162
Intentiors to visit island to east-
ward, 163
Resolves to shape a course for
Spain. 165
His reckoning on the homewaid
voyage, 173, 178
Vows of pilgrimage in the stonr ,
175
Reflections in the storm, 176, 177
Anxiety about his sons, 177
Throws a document overboard in a
ca>k, 177, 178
Needful rest after long watching,
179
Remonstrance with the Governor
of Sta. Maria, 182
Leaves Santa Maria for Spain, 185
Arrival in the Tagus, 187
His letter to the King of Portugal,
187
Refused to go on board a Portu-
guese ship, 188
Interviews with the King and
Queen of Portugal, 190, 196
Concluding remarks in his Journal,
193
Columbus, Fernando, his account of
the light seen by the Admira',
36 n. ; his fuller account of the pro-
ceedings connected with prepara-
tion of documents during the storm,
v, 1 78 n.
Compass, variation of, 23, 24, 31
Conception, Port of, 103, no
Copper, little seen, 137, 159
Cordova, valleys in Espanola com-
pared to vcga of, 99, 113, 149;
anxiety of Columbus about his sous
at, 177
Coroay, in Espanola, 141
Cosa, Juan de la, map of, ii ; ship
INDEX.
^45
Santa Maria owned by, 17 ; his
misconduct at the shipwrt ck, 133».,
138 «.
Cotton at Guanahani, 40, 43 ; at
Cuba, 6S, 71; fields of, no; fab-
rics, 1 28, 130
Course across the Atlantic taken by
Columbia, 22, 23 ; altered, 29, 33
Covil, tunny fishery at, 166
Crabs on the gulf-weed, 25, 28
Crato, Prior of, host of Columbus
iu Portugal, 191
Crew (see Sailors)
Crickets, chirping of, 62, no
Crosses set up, 79, 80, 106
Cuba, Cape of, 76
Cuba first hea>d of, 55, 56, 57 ;
ariival at, 59 ; reported to he a
city, 63 ; believed to be mainlai d.
65 ; envoys sent into the interior,
66 ; on the coast of, 76 to 97 ;
intercourse with natives, SS, 95, 96,
131 ; name of cape at the easttro
end, 97 ; name of /nana given
to, 98, 131 ; departure from, 98
Cueva, Juan de, left at Navidad,
145 n.
Cultivation (see Cotton, Yams)
Dama, Álvaro, Captain of a Portu-
guese ship in the Tagus, visited
Columbus, 1S9
Darts of the natives, 38, 49, 95
Diaz, Bartolomé, beaten in an at-
tempt to humiliate Columbus, 188
Diego, boatswain of \\\t Santa Maria,
sent to find the mastick trees, 69
Diego de Mambles left at Navidad,
144 ».
Dogs at Fernandina, 50 ; at Cuba,
62
Dorado (see Fish)
Elefante, Cape, 99
Enamorados Rock, 62 ; Cape, 158
England, lhe Admiral had been to,
122 ; size, compared with Esj aii >la,
130
Englishman with Columbu*, 145 n.
Envoys, two seaniensent as, into the
inteiior of Cuba, 66 ; return of, 69
Escovedo, Rodrigo, Secretaty,
landed at Guanahani, 37 ; at
Espanola, 1 16 w. ; left at Navidad,
144 ; nephew of Fray Perez, 145
Espanola, name given, 105 ; fir t
intercourse with natives, 106, 107 ;
scenery, 109 ; Spaniards left at,
144, 145 ; coasting along, 145 to 158
Estrella, Cape, 99
Eugenius, Pope, embassy from the
Grand Kaan to, 7, 7 «.
Fava, supposed city of Cuba, 63
Fayal in lhe Azores, 172
Ferdinand and Isabella, address of
Columbus to, 15 ; their concessions
to Columbus, 16
Fernandez, Gonzalo, of Segovia, left
at Navidad, 145 n. ; Gonzalo of
Leon, left at Navidad, 145 n. ;
Francisco, left at Navidad, 145 11.
Fernandina Isle, description, 44, 46
47 ; name given, 50 ; peculiar
vege!ation, 47, 49 ; harbour dis-
covered, 48 ; natives, 49, 50, 58
Fierro (see Hierro)
Fish-hooks, 60, 61
Fish of various colours oft Fernan-
dina, 47
Camarones, 106
Corbinas, 106
Dace, 106
Dorado, 29, 30, 170
Dory, 47, 106
Flying Fish, 32
Gilt-head, 106
Hake, 106
Salmon, 106
Shrimps, 106
Skate, 103, 106
Tunny, 25, 166, 167
246
INDEX.
Flechas, Golfo de las, 164, 165
Flores in the Azores, 25, 172, 173
Flying- fish, 32
Foronda, Pedro de, left at Navidad,
145 n.
Frances, Cape, 157
Francisco, of Aranda, left at Navi-
dad, 145 ti.
Frogs, no
Fuma in Esprnila, 141
Furon, the Nina off, 192
Gallega, nime given by Oviedo, for
thi ship of Columbus. 17 11.
Garcia, Diego, of Xeres, left at
Navidid, 144 11.
Garjao, or Tern (see Birds)
Glasses, 24 hour, no, 166, 168
Globe (see Behaim)
Gloria in excelsis, sung when land
was thought to be in sight, 29
Goanin, supposed name of an island,
160
Godoy, Francisco de, of Seville,
left at Navidad, 145 n.
Gold, vii ; inquiries at Guanahani,
39 ; reported at Samoet, 46, 48 ;
ornamtnt at Fernandina, 50; at
Isabella, 56 ; sought for at Cuba,
65 ; native names : Nucay, 65 ;
Tuob, Caona, Nozay, 1 59 ; reported
at Bohio, 68, 73 ; at Babeque, 76,
77, 81 ; stones resembling, 85, 94 ;
mines inquired after, 116, 1 19;
birterfor, 119, 128, 136; news of,
129 ; mark of, 137 ; gold dust in
the river Yaqui, 152, 153
Gomera (Canaries), Columbus arrived
at, 19, 20; report of land seen to
the west, 20 ; Guillen Peraza, first
Count of, 20; supplies at departure
from, 21 ; becalmed near, 22
Gonzalez, Joige, of Trigueros, left
at Navidad, 145 w.
Gracia, Rio de, 155
Gran Canária (sec Canária)
Gran Kan (see Kan)
Granada, 16, 17
Guacanagari, chief of Marien, his
iuvitati n to Columbus, I2Ó«.,I27;
help given by, at the shipwreck,
134; his dignified manner, 135;
feast given by, 136, 137 ; his sub-
ject chiefs, 141 ; promises of gold,
143 ; Spaniards at Navidad recom-
mended to, 144 ; lhe Admiral
takes leave of, 144, 145
Guadalquivir, river so named in
Espaiiola, III ; River Yaqui com-
pared to, 153
Guanahani discovered, 36 ; land-
ing of the Admiral, 37 ; natives,
37-40 ; east coast explored, 41 ;
natives who were kidnapped, 38,
43, 44, 48, 50, 60, 63, 66, 81
Guardiãs (>ee Pointers)
Guarionex, a chief in Espaiiola, 141
Guillelmo, Irishman of Galway, left
at Navidad, 145 n.
Guinea, palms in Cuba compared
with those of, 59 ; sailor who bad
been to, 62 ; natives of, 75 ; pesti-
lential rivers of, 9 1 ; yams in, 1 13 ;
the Admiial bad been to, 122 ;
Manequeta coast, 154 n. ; Spanish
ships ordered not to go to, 191
Guisay, Guinsay (see Kinsay)
Gulf-weed, 24, 25, 26, 31, 164, 166,
167
Gutierrez, Pedro, saw the light, 35 ;
sent on shore for help when the
sh-p grounded, 134; left at Navi-
dad in joint command, 145
Hammocks, or Hamacas, 49, 67
Harrisse, H., on the date of Tos-
canelh's letter, 3 71. ; on words of
Columbus respecting the chart,
29 n.
Henao, France co, of Avila, left at
Navidad, 145 v.
Hermoso, Cape, 51, 52
Herrera, his account of the first
voyage of Columbus from Las
INDEX.
247
Casas, v ; gives Santa Maria as
the name of ihe ship of Columbus,
17 n. ; on the rig of the caravels,
20 n. ; on the variation, 23 n.
Hierro Inland, reports of land seen
to the west, 21 ; news of Portu-
guese caravel brought from, 21 ;
distance from, 26, 31, 66, 173
Hierro, Point, 157
Holy Sepulchre, scheme for recovery
of, 139
Huelva, hermitage at, a relic of
church at Saltes, 18 n. ; pilgrim-
age vowed to Santa Maria de la
Cinta at, 187
Iguana, 47, 54, 56
Indians (see Natives).
Infantado, Duke of, Journal of
Columbus in archives of, v
Irishman with Columbus, 145, iu
Isabella Island discovered, 51 ; de-
scribed, 52, 55 ; natives, 55 ; de-
parture from, 57 ; reasons for not
returning, 8 1
Isabella, Queen (^ee Ferdinand)
Islands, fabulous (see Antilia, San
Borondon), supposed, 24, 29, 32
Jamaica (see Yamaye)
Jerez, Rodrigo de, of Ayamonte,
sent on a mission into the interior
of Cuba, 66
Jews, expulsion from Spain, 16
Jimenes, Francisco, of Seville, left
at Navidad, 145 n.
Joao II, King of Portugal, received
Columbus, 190 )!., 191
Journal of Columbus commenced, 17
Juan, Maestie, surgeon, left at Navi-
dad, 145 n.
Juana, name given to Cuba, 98, 131
Kan or Kaan, the Grand, mentioned
by Toscanelli, 6 ; meaning of the
word, 6 n. ; mentioned by Co'.um
bus, 16 ; supposed tidings of, 60,
61, 64, 65, 74, S7, 106
Katay, 6, 6 «., 8, 63
Kinsay or Quinsay, mentioned by
Toscanelli, 8 ; by Columbus, 65 ;
account of, 8 ;/. (see Quinsay)
Laguna, Cape, 53
Lamina, in Guinea, Spanish ships
not to visit, 190
Lanzada, Point, no
Lanzarote, one of the Canaries, 19
Las Casas, Journal of Columbus in
handwriting of, v; interpolations
of, in brackets, ix ; fuil abstract of
Journal of Columbus given by, v ;
version of Toscanelli letter, iii, 3 «. ;
map of Toscanelli belonged to, 4». ;
denunciatioa of the kidnapping of
natives, 75 n.
Latitude, observations for, 63, 66,
82, no
Leagues, lergth of, 18 n. ; substi-
tuted by the transcriber for miles,
42, 122
Lepe, sailor from, who saw the light,
35"-
Light seen by the Admiral, 35, 36 ;
shown by the Admiral to Pmzon,
S3, 175; shown by boat of Nina, 99
Lindo, Cape, 97
Lisa, a fish (Skate), 106 «.
Lisbon, river of, reached by Colum-
bus, 187
Lizards, 47 (see Iguana)
Llandra, in Portugal, Columbus at,
191, 192
Logrosan, Martin de, left at Navi-
dad, 145 n.
Long Island, modern name of
Ftrnandina, 45 n.
Loreto, vow of pilgrimage to, 175
Lucayos Islands, 36
Luna, Rio de la, in Cuba, 61
Macana, orwoodtn sword, described,
160
248
INDEX.
Macorin, in Espa&ola, 141
Madeira, land seen to the west of,
20, 21 n. ; reckoning for, 172, 173,
178, 186
Major, R. H., reference to his Select
Letters of Columbus, 22
Manequeta, 143 ; coast of, 154 n.
Mangi, Province of, S
Manoel, King of Portugal, 191 n.
Man-o'-War birds (see Birds)
Map of Toscanelli (see Charts)
" Mar de Nuestra Senora", 78
" Mar de Santo Tornas", port of,
126
Mares Rio de, in Cuba, 61 ; return
to, 64 ; port described, 69, 91 ;
departure from, 72, 82
Maria, Pueito, first name given to
Si. Nicholas, 99
Martius, Fernando, Canonat Lisbon,
copy of ktter from Toscanelli to, ii,
4, 7
Mastick, reward claimed by the
master of the Nina for finding, 69 ;
supply, 74, 78, 105, 106, no
Matheos, Hernan Perez, gossips
with Oviedo, 36 ».
Matinino Island, 162; said to be
peopled by women, 163, 165, 166
Mayonix, in Espanola, 141
Medina, Pedro de, reports respect-
ing Antilia, 21
Mendoza, Diego de, left at Navidad,
144;?.
Mendoza, Juan de, left at Navidad,
144 n.
Mermaids seen, 154
Moguer, evidence given at, respect-
ing the explosion of the Jews, 16 ;
vow of pilgrimage to Santa Clara
at, 175
Montai van, Diego, of Jaen, left at
Navidad, 145 n.
Monte Cristi, 147 ■ sailing direc-
tions for, 148, 149 ; return to, with
lhe Pinta, 150
Monte de Plata, 156
Moors, defeat by Ferdinand and
Isabella, 15, 16
Moreillo, Juan de, left at Navidad,
145 n,
Munoz, Juan Bautista, vi
Musk, smell of, 80
Mussel shells, a sign of pearls, 60
Nafa, in Africa, 173
Narango, Port, in Cuba, 62
Natives of Guanahani, 37-40 ; their
canoes, 39 ; their colour, 38 ; of
Fernandina. 46, 49, 50; of Isabella,
54, 56 ; of Cuba, 88, 95, 96 ; of
Espaiiola, 106, 107, 108, 112, 129;
praise of, 115, 123, 124, 131, 135 ;
hospitality, 130 ; honesty, 135,
139 ; conversion su^geste^, 71, 72;
their nakedness, 38, 43, 49, 68,
71, 113, 125, 129; custom of
painting, 38, 131, 159; their
timidity, 61, 64, 95, 96, III, 1 14 ;
absence of arms, 3S, 68, 123 ;
darts, 38, 49, 95 ; arrows, 164 ;
wooden swoid, 164; canoes, 39,
43> 45> 58> 91» 93> 94 J no religion,
65 ; policy of Columbus regarcinj_,
43, 44, 45 ; believed the Spaniaids
came from heaven, 41, 114 ; human
heads found in houses, in Cuba,
92 ; encounter with, at San.ana,
160, 161 ; kidnaptirg of, at
Guanahani, 38, 44, 48, 50, 60, 63,
66, 81 ; at Rio de Wares, 73, 75,
80; at Samana, 163, 164; by
Pinzon, 155
Navarrete, Journal of Columbus
published by, vi
Navidad settlement, 138, 140, 144;/.;
hit of Spaniaids left at, 144 «.,
145 n.; stores and supplies, 145 ;
sailing directions for, 147 ; alarm
lest encounter at Samana should be
prejudicial to settlers, 161
Needle (see Compass Variation)
Nightingales, 24, 30, 103
Nina, caravel owned by the Nifio
INDEX.
249
fam'ly, 17 ti.', her rig, 20 n.; re-
ported seeing b rds, 23 ; position
according to pilot of, 26 ; false
alarm of land, 29, 33 ; signs of
land seen from, 35 ; canoe along-
side, 43 ; course to Isabella I»le,
51 ; escape of kidnapped boys
from, 80 ; new mast and yard for
mizen, 85 ; sent ahead to Espan >la,
98, 99 ; in company when Santa
Maria was wrecked, 133 ; leaky
condition, 162, 165 ; had to wait
for the Pinta, 168 ; in the storm,
175 1S0; in the Tagus, 1S9 ;
crosses Saltes Bar, homeward
bound, 192
Nino family, 17».; Pilot, 172,173
Nitayno, name for a chief in
Espaiiola, 130
Norona, Don Martin de, brought a
mes-sage from ihe King of Purtug 1
to Columbus, 190; goes back to
the Tagus with Columbus, 191
North Star, altitude equal to that
which it has at Cape St. Vincent,
171
Nucay (see Gold)
Nuestra Senora, sea of, 78, 84, 91
Oro, Rio del, 153
Osório, Aloi zo Perez, left at Navi-
dad, 144;/.
Osório, Álvaro Perez, left at Navi-
dad, 144 n.
Oviedo, historian, never saw journal
of Columbus, v ; gave Gallega as
name of ship of Columbus, 17 k.;
story about the sailor who saw the
light, 35 «.; gossip with Vicente
Pinzon and Matheos, 36
Palmas, Cape of, 63
Palm trees, 59, 77, 89
Palos, iv ; expukion of Jews from,
16 11. ; Columbus fitting out at, 1 7 ;
Nina and Pinta, caravels of, 1 7 n. ;
bad condition of vessels supplied
at, 139; misconduct of caulkers at,
162
Parrots, 37, 38, 39, 47, 54, 124
Patino, Juan, of La Serena, left at
Navidad, 145 n.
Pearls, sea su table for, 60, 62 ;
reported, 68
Pedro, of Talavera, left at Navidad,
145 n.
Pension, for first sighting land, 36
Pepper (native), 143, 164
Perez, Fray Rodrigo, uncle of Esco-
»edo, 145
Pico, Cape of, 86
Pierna, Cape, no
Pilgrimages, vows during the storm,
175, 176, 187
Pilots, opinions as to position, 19,
26, 29 ; when homeward bound,
172> x73 '■> tne true positions kept
from them by the Admiral, 180
Pine trees, 85, 89
Pinta caiavel, 17 n. ; accident to
her rudder, 19 ; owners, 19 ;
refitted at Giau Canana, 20;
position according to pilot of, 26,
28 ; signs of land seen from, 35 ;
sighted land, 35, 36 ; her course
for l:-abella Island, 51 > informa-
tion from natives on board, 63 ;
parts company, 82 ; news of, 140,
142, 143, 146 ; rejoins, 150 ;
kaky condition, 162, 165 ; delay
caused by communicating with,
167 ; bad sailing owing to weak
mizen-mast, 168; finally parttd
company, 174, 175 n.
Finzon, Martin Alonzo, 16 n. ; com-
manded Pinta, 17 n. ; the Admi-
ral's first opinion of, 19 ; retittii g
at Gran Canária, 20, 21 ; expect-
ing land, 25, 28, 29 ; advice as to
the comse, 33; landed at Guana-
hani, 37 ; as to sailing round
Fernandina, 48 ; killed an iguana
at Isabella Island, 56 ; reported
the statements of natives, 63 ;
250
INDEX.
thought he had found a cinnamin-
tree, 67 ; deserted the Admiral, 82,
143 ; evil consequences of his
conduct, 146 ; rejoined the Ad-
miral, 150 ; his excuses for desert-
ing, 150, 151 ; insubordination,
152, 155 ; kidnapped natives at
Rio de Gracia, 155 ; neglect in
not getting a new mizen-mas%
168 ; finally parted company, 174 ;
death, 175 n.
Pinzon, Vicente Yanez, captain of
ihi Nina, 17 n. ; gossip with
Oviedo, 36 n. ; landed at Guana-
hmi, 37; reported that rhubarb
grew on Amigi Island, 142 ; in-
subordination, 152; his reckoning
on the homeward voyage, 172, 173
Plants (see Aloe, Amaranth, Ar-
bu'.us, Cotton, Mastick, Palms,
Pine, Purslane, Rhubarb, Trees)
Pointers or Guardiãs, stars in the
Oreat Bear, bearing, 31
Pole Star, variation acc< unted for
by motion of, 23 n., 24, 25 ;/.
Polo, Nicolo and Maffeo, journeys,
7».
Polo, Marco, referred to, 6 n., 7 n.,
28;/.
Porcuna, Hernando de, left at Navi-
dad, 145 n.
Portugal, King of, Affonso V, seeks
information from Toscanelli, ii,
4 n. ; reception of Columbus by
the King, 190, 191 ; caravels
of, lying in wait for Columbus, 21
Portuguese, discoveries by, through
observing flights of birds, 33 ;
their inhospitable conduct at Santa
Maiia, 1S1, 1S2; treatment of
Columbus by, in the Tagus, 188,
189
Principe, Puerto del, in Cuba, 78,
81
Puerto Santo, in Cuba, 93, 97 ;
i.-land near Madeira, 172
Purslane, in Cuba, 60
Quadrant, observations with, 66, 82,
no, 171
Quinsay, city of, described in Tos-
canelli letter, 8, 8 ?t. ; mentioned
by Columbus, 65 (see Kinsay)
Quintero, Cristoval, part owner of
the Pinta, 19
Rabiforcado, or man-o'-warbird, 30
Rabo de junco, or boatswain-bird
(see Birds), 23
Ragged Isles, 59 «.
Rascon, Gomes, part owner of the
Pinta, 19
Reckonings, two kept by Columbus
on voyage out, 22, 29, 31 ; on
homeward voyage, 171, 172, 173,
180
Redondo, Cape, 157
Rhubarb on Amiga Island, 142, 143
Roja, Point, 153
Roldan, lhe pilot, his reckoning, 172
Rudder of the Pima, accident to,
19 ; boy in charge, 132
Ruiz, Sancho, pilot in the Nina,
reckoning, 173
Rum Cay, modem name of Santa
Maria de la Concepcion Island,
42 n.
Sacanben, in Portugal, Columbus
at, 190
Sacro, Port, 158
Sails of Santa Maria enumerated,
38 (^ee Bonnet)
Sailing Directions, 121, 126
Sailors with Columbus, 17; false
reckoning kept for, 22, 29, 30, 31,
34 ; bad steering, 22 ; catch fish,
25 ; alarmed at the variation, 24 ;
alarmed at coustant east wind, 27,
28 ; look out for land, and sing
Gloria in excelsis, 29 ; bathing
aloi gside, 29 ; murmurs at the
length of the voyage, 34 ; speech
of the Admiral to, 34, 36 ; jump
overboard to seize a native, 43 ;
INDEX.
251
taking soundings, 60, 84, 97, 99 ;
excellent healih of, 91 ; on shore
to wash clothes, 92 ; boys never to
take the helm, 132 ; left at Navi-
dad, 144, 145; cutting wood, 151,
152; catch a turtle, 154; encoun-
ter with natives at Samana, 161 ;
kill a shark, 169 ; vows of pilgrim-
age during the storm, 175, 176,
187 ; seized by Portuguese, 181 ;
released, 185 (see Jerez, Triana,
Torres, Villa)
Salcedo, Admiral's servant, 35 n.
Saltes, Bar of, expedition crosses,
18; account of former town aijd
church on Isle of, 18 n. ; course
shaped for, 192 ; Ntna crosses
homeward bound, 192
Samana, 158; encounter with natives,
160, 161
Samaot, Samoet, or Samoate Isle,
gold reported at, 46, 48, 50, 5 1
San Antonio monastery (see Villa-
franca)
San Borondon, fabulous isle, 20 n.
San Gregório, or Fayal, 172
San Jorge, Tnstan de, lelt at Navi-
dad, 145 n.
San Miguel, 183
San Nicolas, Port, 100, 101, 102
San Salvador, name of Guaiiahani,
42, 43, Si ; river in Cuba, 61, 62
San Theramo, Cape, 166
Santo Tomas Isle, 120, 121 ; Sea,
133
Santa Catalina harbour, 86
Santa Clara (see Moguer)
Santa Maria, ship of Columbus,
owned by Juan de la Cosa, 17 ;/. ;
name given in Herrera, 17 n.; sails
enumerated, 58 ; shipwreck, 132,
133, 134
Santa Maria, Poit, 175
Santa Maria de la Concepcion
Island, 42 ; Fernandina in sight
from, 42
Santa Maria, in the Azores, 172,
173. 186 ; reached by Columbus,
1 So ; inhospitable conduct of Por-
tuguese at, 180, 184, 1S5
Santa Maria de la Cinta, pilgrim-
age vowed to, 187
Santo, Cape, 130, 133, 147
St. Vincent, Cape, 171, 186, 192
Sanchez, Rodrigo, of Segovia, could
not see the light, 36 ; sent to see
the mastick trees, 69
Santona, native place of Juan de la
Cosa, 17 n.; men of, 138 n.
Sebastian, of Majorca, left at Navi-
dad, 145 n.
Seca, l\,int, 157
Serpents, Iguanas mistaken for, 47,
54, 56
Seville, sea as smooth as the river
at, 25, 34, 62
Shark killed, 169
Sicily, muuntains in Cuba compared
to, 60
Sierpe, Cape, 147
Silver ornament, 65
Smoke signals, 100, in. 161
Sol, Rio del, in Cuba, 73
Soundings taken, 6c, 84, 97, 99
Spices, country ol, in Toscanelli
letter, 4, 5 ; specimens g.ven to
envoys into the interior oi Cuba, 66 ;
inquiries after, 70, 143 (see Mane-
queta)
Storm in homeward voyage, 174 to
178
Sword, wooden (ste Macana)
Tagus reached by Columbus, 187,
18S
Tajado, Cape, 157
Tallarte (or Alard), of Lajes, Eng-
lishman, left at Navidad, 145 «.
Tapia, Bachiller Bemardo de, left at
Navidad, 144 n.
Tejo river, gold in, 85
Tenerife, irruption seen, 20 ; be-
calmed near, 22
Terceira, in the Azores 172
252
INDEX.
Terns (see Birds)
Tiller, 'hoy in charge of, when Santa
Mai-: a grounded, 132
Tobacco first seen, 71
Tordoya, Diego, of Cabezi de Vaca,
left at Navidad, 144 n.
Torpa, Diego de, left at Navidad,
145 n.
Torres, Cape, 120
Torres, Luis de, converted Jew in-
terpreter, sent on a mission into
Cuba. 66
Tortuga IsUnd, 99, 104, 105, no;
canoe from, 115
Toscanelli, Paolo, letters to Colum-
bus, ii, vii, 3, 10 ; date of 1-tters,
3 «., 4 n. ; where published, iii ;
discovery of Latin text of letter,
iii ; reproduction of map, iv (see
Chart)
Trees (see Vegetation) : Palms,
59» 77> 89 ; Pines, 85, 89 ; Oaks
ai.d Arbutus, 85 ; growing il<>se
to the sea, a sign of fine weather,
60, 77
Triana, Rodrigo de, sighted land, 35
Tunny fish, 25, 166, 167
Tunny fishery at Cadiz and Conil,
166
Tuob, name for gold, 159
Turtle, 96, 154
Urminga, Juan de, left at Navidad,
145 «.
Valle del Paraiso, 1 1 1
Valparaiso, visit of Columbus to
Kir g of Portugal at, 190
Variation (see Compass)
Vegetation, variety and beauty of,
47, 49, 54 (see Aloes, Mastick,
Trees, Purslane, Rhubarb)
Velasco, Don José Mat ia Fernandez,
librarian of the Columbian Library,
discovered lhe Latin text of the
Toscanelli letter, iii, 4 n,
Velez, Alonzo, of Seville, left at
Navidad, 144 n.
Vergara, Francisco de, of Seville,
Jeft at Navidad, 145 n.
Villa, Pedro de, sailor in the Nina,
drew the lot to go on pilgrimage to
Loreto, 175
Villafranca, interview of Columbus
wiih the Queen of Portugal at the
monastery of San Antonio at, 191
Villar, Juan de, left at Navidad
145 »•
Watering ship, 46
Watling Island, modern name of
Guanahani, 36 n. (see Guanahani)
Wax found in the houses at Cuba, 92
Weed (see Gulf Weed)
Whale seen, 27, 47
Women, only one seen at Guana-
tiani, 38 ; kidnapped at Rio de
Mares, 75 ; woman caught in
tspa&ula and kindly treated, 107 ;
giils kidnapped by Pinzon, 156 ;
island peopled by, 163
Yamaye, probably Jamaica, 151
Yams, 68, 108, 113, 123, 124
Yaqui river, 152 n.
Yule, Sir Henry, his Maico Polo
reitired to, 6 11., 8 n., 9 n.
Zaitun, city in China, mentioned by
Toscanelli, 6 ; account of 6 n. ;
mentioned by Columbus, 65
Zanahorias (see Yams)
INDEX.
253
INDEX
Documents relating to the Voyages of John
Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real.
Adams, Clement, his engraved copy
of lhe map of Sebastian Cabot at
Whitehall, xxxv
Admiral, tiile given to John Cabot,
xvii, 202, 205
Algarve, country of the Corte Reals,
xlv
American coasts (NeeNorthAmerica)
Andilia, 235 (see Antilla)
Angra, capital of Terceira, xlv
Animals in lands discovered by
Cab it, 201 ; by Corte Real, 233
Antilla, idea of Cabot respecting,
x\i ; name given by the Portuguese
to the West Indian Islands, 235
Apianus, Petrus, map of, liii
Ashurst (see Bristol)
Asia, Greenland believed to be a
point of, xlviii, 240
Ayala, Pedro de, Spanish Ambas-
sador in England, his despatch
respecting John Cabot, 208
Azores, two natives of, granted
letters patent, xxii
Bacallaos, name of fish, xx, 201,
210 ; name said to have been given
to Newfoundland by Cabot, 210
Badajoz conference, Sebastian Cabot
at, xxx
Barber (see Castione)
Barrett, History of Bristol, name of
the ship of Cabot given in, 199
Bears seen by Cabot, 210
Bedford, Earl of, in possession of a
copy of the map of Sebastian
Cabot at Cheynies, xxxv n.
Besson, Jacob, his Cosmolibe, xxxix
Biddle, John, memoir of Sebastian
Cabot, xlii n.
Boni, Signor, of Modena.his recovery
of the Cantino map, xlvi
Bradley, Thomas, with Cabot in the
second voyage, xix
Brazil, Bristol men search for isle of,
207, 208; Sebastian Cabot beached
his captains on coast of, xxx
Bristol, expedition of Cabot fitted
out at, xiv, 199, 203 ; Cabot living
at, 202 ; name of Cabot's ship
given in the History of , 199; date
of Cabot's sailing from, 200 ; neail/
all Bristol men in Caboi's sh-p,
xiv, 230 ; searches of citizens for
Brazil LI-, 207, 208 ; cit zens in-
terested in Cabot's voyage, 205 ;
second expedition of Cabot sailed
from, xix ; letters patent to
merchants of, Ashurst, Warde, and
Thomas, xxii ; Sebastian Cabot
told Eden he was born at, xxiii
Bucignolo (see Ragusan)
Buil, Friar, who sailed with Cabot,
la> ded in Ireland, 208
Burgundian with Cabot in the fir-;t
voyage, xviii, 205
Burrough, Stephen, voyage in the
S<archthrift, the fitting-out super-
intended by Sebastian Cabot,
254
INDEX.
Cabot, Elizibe'h, daughter of
Stbastian, xxv ; death, xxxi n.
Cabot, John, first letters patent
granted to, xiii, 197 ; fitting out.
xiv, 199, 203 ; name of his ship,
xiv, 199; second letters patent,
xviii, 206, 207 ; called a Venetian,
xi, 197, 199, 200, 201. 206 ; a
Genoese, 207, 208, 209 ; date of
sailing from Bristol, xv, 200 ; his
landfall, xv, xvi, 200 ; course across
the Atlantic, xv, xvi ; reception on
return, xvii ; grant to, 201 ; dis-
covery described by Pasqualigo,
xvi, 201, 202 ; by Soncino, 203 ;
wife a Venetian, 202 ; dressed in
silk, 202 ; called Admiral, 202,
205 ; an exoert navigator, 203 ;
living at Bristol, 202 ; his chart
and solid sphere, xviii, 204, 208,
209 ; remarks on caravans seen at
Mecca, 204 ; second voyage, xix,
207, 208 ; account by Peter Martyr,
209, 210; by the Guest of Fracastor,
212, 217; by Gomara. 216; by
Galvano. 217; false statements of
his son respecting, 213 ; vestiges of,
found by Corte Real, li, 237 ; his
meri's, xxi, xliv
Cabot. Lewis, xi, xiii n.. 197, 198
Cabot, Saneio, xi, xiii»., 197, 198
Cabot, Sebastian, xi, 197, 198 ; born
in Venice, xxiii, 209, 220 ; said
he was born at Bristol, xxiii ; map
of, showing his father's landfall,
200 ; account of, by Peter Martyr,
209, 211 ; probably accompanied
his father, xiv, xix, xxiii ; on a voy-
age in 1502, xxiv ; false statements
of, 214, 215 ; statements about his
voyages, 214, 220 ; intrigues with
Venice, xxvii, xxviii, 217 to 224;
chief pilot in Spain, xxvii, 220 ;
urged by his agent to come to
Venice, 225 ; intrigue with Vene-
tian Ambassador in England, 226 ;
refused to undertake a voyage for
the King of England, 222 ; em-
ployed to make a map of Gascony,
xxiv ; in Spanish service, marriage,
xxv ; at the funeral of Sir T. Lovell,
xxix ; at the conference of Badajoz,
xxx ; alleged expeditions from Eng-
land, xxv, xxvi ; expedition to the
River Plate, xxx, xxxi ; condemned
to exile at Oran, xxxi ; method of
finding longitude by variation, xxix,
xxxix, 223 ; his map, description,
xxxii, xxxiii ; opinion of Mr. Har-
risse as to map, xxx'ii, xxxiv ; dis-
covery of the map, xxxv n. ; last
employment in Spain, xxxv ; return
to Er. gland, xxxv ; pension from
Edward VI, demand from Charles
V, xxxvi ; Governor of Merchant
Adventurers, xxxviii ; death, loss
of papers, xl ; character, xlitoxliv ;
wife (see Medrano, Catalina)
Calicut, 235
Canerio, map of, Hi
Cantino, letter to the Duke of Fer-
rara on the voyages of Corte Real,
xlvi, 232 ; map ordered by, for the
Duke of Ferrara, xlvi, 238 ; Map,
legends on, 239, 240 ; history and
description, xlvi, xlvii ; construc-
tion, Hi ; coast of North America
on, xlix ; confused first and second
voyages of Corte Real, xlviii n. ;
account of second voyage of Corte
Real, xlix ; account of natives
brought home in ships of Corte
Real, 233, 234
Cape Breton, landfall of Cabot, xv,
xvi, xxxiii, xxxiv ; Corte Real at,
li
Cape Verde Isles, distance of
Papal line from, xiv
Carter, John, in second voyage of
Cabot, xix
Cartier, Jacques, discoveries shown
on the map of Sebastian Cabot,
xxxii, xxxiv
INDEX.
255
Castione, barber of, to go with
Cabot, xviii, 205
Catanio, Francisco, Cantino map in
1 he hands of, 238
Catay, 214
Chancellor (see Willoughby)
Charles V valued services of Sebas-
tian Cabot, xxxi, xliii ; demand for
the return of Cabot, xxxvi
Chart of John Cabot, 202, 208, 209
Chaves, Alonzo, xxxv
Chesapeake Bay reached by CorU
Real in his second voyage, 1
Cheyne, Sir Thomas, xxxvi
Cheynies (see Bedford, Earl of)
Chipango, xii, xviii, 204
Cisneros, Cardinal, Sebastian Cabot
in England during the rule of,
xxvi
Collona, Stragliano, conversation of
Sebastian Cabot with, xxvi, 220
Columbus, Christopher, Cabot com-
pared to, xliv, 207, 208 ; great-
ness of his discovery, 213
Columbus, Fernando, loyalty to his
father, xlii
Compass (see Needle)
Contarini, Gaspar, Venetian Ambas-
sador in Spain (see Venice), xxvii,
xliii ; told by Sebastian Cabot that
he was born at Venice, xxiii ; con-
versation with Sebastian Cabot
about finding longitude by varia-
tion, xxxix, 223
Coote, C. H., editor of Stevens'
work on the Schoner globe?, 1 «.,
liv 71.
Copper ore (see Laton)
Corte Real, land of, 230
Corte Real, Gaspar, his first voyage,
xlviii, 229 ; servant of the Duke of
Peja, 230 ; reached ihe coast of
Greenland, xlviii ; visit to New-
foundland, xlviii, 230 ; second
voyage, xlix ; fate unknown, 231 ;
waters his ship from an iceberg,
233 ; discoveries, 233, 236 ; ves-
tiges of voyage of Cabot found by,
237 ; course taken on the second
voyage, xlix, 1, li ; search for, liv
Corte Real, João Vaz, father of
Gaspa*-, lxv
Corte Real, Manoel, last of the
familv, liv
Corte Real, Miguel, went in search
of his brother, liv, 229, 231
Corte Real, Vasque Anes, prevented
from going in search of his brother,
liv, 231
Cosa, Juan de la, map, xix ; dis-
coveries of Cabot shown on map
of, xx, xxxiii ; p'aced West India
Islands too far north, xxi, 1 ;/.,
xxxiii
Council of Ten (see Venice)
Damiande Goes, Chronicle, account
of Corte Real voyages, xlv, 230 ;
date of departure of Corte Real on
second voyage, xlix n., 231
Deane, Mr. Charles, account of the
Cabot voyages, x
Delaware Bay, reached by Corte
Real, on his second voyage, 1
Desimoni, work on John Cabot, x
Drapers' Company, their doubt
whether Sebastian Cabot ever went
with his father, xxiii ;/.
Eden, Richard, told by Sebastian
Cabot that be was born at Bristol,
xxiii ; his statement respecting a
proposed expedition under Sir
Thomas Perte, xxv, xxvi ; account
of Cabot's ideas respecting varia-
tion, xxxix ; on death of Cabot, xl
Edward VI, pension and gratuity to
Sebastian Cabot, xxxvi ; Cabot
explained variation of the compass
to, xxxix
Elizabeth, daughter of Sebastian
Cabot, xxv, xxxi n.
England, Sebastian Cabot declined
to serve, 220, 222 ; intrigue of
256
INDEX.
Cabot with Venetian ambassador
in, 226; return of Cabot to, xxv
Fabyan, referred to, x, 200 n.
Falcons in the land discovered by
Corte Real, 233
Farewell, Cape, xlviii
Ferdinand V, expedition against the
south of France in concert with
Henry VI r, Xxiv ; obtained the
services of Sebastian Cabot, xxv
Ferrara, Duke of (see Cantino)
Fish, many taken in voyage of
Cabot, 204 ; trade in stock fish
with Iceland, 204 ; a1 undance
found by Corte Real, 238 (see
Bacallaos)
Florida, xxxiii, 217 ; theory that the
coast-line on the Cantino map was,
xlix n.
Fracastor, Hieronimo, guest of, in
Ramusio, his account of Sibastian
Cabot, xx xi, 112
Fruits on the land discovered by
Corte Real, 233
Galvão, xix ; on the second voyage
of Cabot, xlv, 216 ; account of the
voyage of Corte Real, 229 ; latitude
reached by Cabot, xx, 216
Genoese, Cabot said to be, xi ;/.,
207, 208
Gianetti da Fano, Guido, account
of studies of Sebastian Cabot con-
nected with the variation of the
compass, xxxix
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, latitude
reached by Cabot, xx ; had seen
the map of Sebastian Cabot, xxxv,
«. ; misled, respecting Sebastian
Cabot, by Ramusio, xli
Globe made by John Cabot, xviii,
204
Goes (see Damian de Goes)
Gomara, xix ; en second voyage of
Cabot, 215 ; latitude reached by
Cabot, xx
Greenland, legend respecting-, on the
Cantino map, xlvii, 240 ; joined to
Asia by Ruysch, xlviii «,
Grynceus, map, liii
Gutierrez, Diego, xxxv
Hakluyt, Divers Voyages, Cabot's
first voyage, x, 200 «.; had seen
the map of Sebastian Cabot, xxxv ;
as to the papers of Cabot, xl
Harrisse, Mr., works on the voyages
of Cabot, x ; permission to trans-
late documents from his texts, i,
xlvi, 203 «.,217 «., 234 «., 236
w-> 239 n-\ opinion on the map of
Sebastian Cabot, xxxiii, xxxiv ;
date of departure of Corte Real on
second voyage, xlix 11. ; opinion
respecting new coast-line on the
Cantino map, liii n.
Hatteras, Cape, reached by Cabot
in second voyage, xx
Henry VII, Privy Purse Accounts,
ix ; Cabot at the Court of, xiii,
xxi ; grant of letters patent to
Cabot, 197, 206 ; grant of money
to Cabot, 201, 202; conversations
about Cabot with the Spanish
ambassadors, 207, 208, 211 ; state-
ment of Sebastian Cabot respecting
his relations with, 213
Henry VIII, expedition sent to
south of France, xxiv ; expeditions
in time of, xxv
Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara,
(see Cantino)
Hoby, Sir Philip, xxxvi
Ibernia passed by Cabot, 203, 205 ;
one of Cabot's .-hips returned to,
20S
Ice edge of, reached by Corte Real,
233
Icebergs seen by Cabot, xx ; Corte
Real watered his ships from, xlviii,
INDEX
257
Ice'and, trade in stock-fish, xvii",
204
Indians of Newfoundland, account
of, 230 ; brought home in ships of
Corte Real, 233, 234, 237
Ireland (see Ibernia)
Isabella, Queen, 214
Kaan, the Great, ideas of Cabot
Tespecting, xii, xv, xltv
Kasr el Kebir, Manoel Corte Real
slain at, with King Sebastian, liv
Labrador on map of Sebastian
Cabot, xxxiii ; name, 1 n.
La Cosa (see Cosa)
Landfall of Cabot, 200, xvi, xxxiii
Latitude reached by Cabot, xx n.,
xxxiii
Laton, or copper ore, 211
Letters patent granted to John
Cabot, xi, 197-199, 206-207; t0
merchants of Bristol, xxii
Lisbon, John Cabot went to, xii,
208 ; return of Corte Real to, 229 ;
of ship, 1 ; Corte Real sailed from,
xlv, xlix, 230, 231 ; Italian news-
letters sent from, xlv
Longitude by variation of the com-
pass, xxxix, 223
Lovell, Sir T., Sebastian Cabot at
mneral of, xxix
Magdalen Isles, the Saint John
Isle of Cabot, xv, xxxii
Major, Mr. R. H., suggested expla-
nation of the erroneous date on
the Cabot map, 200 n.
Manoel, King of Portugal, chronicle
of, xlv ; Corte Real a servant of,
230 ; licence to Corte Real to
discover new lands, 229 ; satisfac-
tion at the discoveries, 236
Map (see Cabot, Cantino, Cosa)
Martyr, Peter, xix ; account of Se-
bast'an Cabot, xxv, xxxiii, 209
Mary, Queen, application of Charles
V to, for the return of Sebastian
Cabot, xxxvii
Masts, fine timber for, in lands dis-
covered by Corte Real, 233, 239
Matthew, name of Cabot's ship, xii,
xvi, 199
Mecca, John Cabot at, caravans seen
there, xii, 204
Medina, Pedro de, Arte de Navegar
reported upon by Cabot, xxxv
Medrano, Catalina, wife of Sebas-
tian Cabot, xxv, xxx n. ; illness of,
xxxi
Mendez, Maitin, captain in the ex-
pedition of Cabot to the river
Plate, xxx
Merchant Adventurers, Company
of, xxxviii
Mexia, Pedro, xxxv
Milan, Duke of, letters of Soncino to,
xviii, 202, 206
Modena, Cantino map at, xlvi
Natives, account of, by Sebastian
Cabot, 200 ; brought to Lisbon in
ships of Corte Real, 235, 236, 237
(see Indians)
Needle, Cabot alleged that he knew
a way of finding the longitude by,
xxix, xxxix, 223
Newfoundland, 233 ; called Green
Land by Corte Real, li, 230;
Indians of, 230, 231, 238 ; fish on
the banks of, xviii, xx ; viiits to,
after Cabot, xxii «.; shown as a
group of islands on the map of
Sebastian Cabot, xxxii ».j made
part of Asia by Ruysch, Hi ; placed
too far east on Cantino map, xlvii,
liii «.
North American Coast on map of
Juan de la Cosa, xxi ; on map of
Sebastian Cabot, xxiii ; on Can-
tino map, xlvii, xlix, liii n.
North Pole, voyage of Cabot to-
S
258
INDEX.
wards, 209 ; highest latitude,
Ramusio, 212, 214
North Star kept on the right hand
by Cabot, 203
Nova Scotia, li
Oran, Sebastian Cabot condemned
to exile at, xxxi
Ortelius had seen the map of Sebas-
tian Cabot, xxxv ; influence of the
Cantino map felt nearly to the time
of, liii
Otter skins, 235
Papaga, land of, 235
Parana and Paraguay, river Plate
explored by Sebastian Cabot, to
junction of, xxxi
Parias on Schoner globes, liii
Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, letter to his
brother on the voyage of John
Cabot, 201 ; fixed the date of
Cabot's return, xvii
Pasqualigo, Pietro, Venetian Am-
bassador at Lisbon, account of the
voyages of Corte Real, 235 ; course
taken by Corte Real in second
voyage, xlix ; account of natives,
235- 237
Peckham, payment to, for bringing
Cabot to England, xxxvi
Perte, Sir Thomas, failure of his ex-
pedition, xxv, xxvi
Pines en land, discovered by Corte
Real, li, 233
Plate, river, expedition of Sebastian
Cabot to, xxx
Prima Tierra Vista, xxxii, xxxiii,
xxxiv, 201 (see Landfall of
Cabot)
Ptolemy of 1513, liv«. (see Wald-
seemiiller)
Puebla, Dr. Ruy Gonzalez, Spanish
Ambassador in England, letter re-
specting Cabot, 207
Purchas had seen the map of Sebas-
tian Cabot, xxxv n.
Ragusan, Hierolamo di Marin di
Bucignolo, agent of Sebastian
Cabot, xxvii, 217 ; his proposals,
219, 221, 224 ; letter to Cabot, 225
Ramusio, xix ; his recollections of
the contents of a letter from Sebas-
tian Cabot, 211 j his account of
what a guest at the villa of Fra-
castor said about Cabot, xxxi, 212,
213 ; latitude reached by Cabot,
xx n„ xxxiii ; agent of Sebastian
Cabot at Venice, xxxvii n.
Rivers, mouths of, discovered by
Corte-Real, 1, 233
Rodas, Miguel de, volunteer in the
expedition of Sebastian Cabot, xxx
Rojas, Francisco de, captain of a ship
in the expedition of Sebastian
Cabot, xxx, xxxi
Ruysch, Johann, his map, Hi,
xlviii n.
Samano, Juan de, letter of Sebastian
Cabot to, xxxi
San Brandon Island, on map of
Sebastian Cabot, xxxiii
Sancta Cruz, or Brazil, people com-
pared to those of Newfoundland,
230
S. George, in the Azores, xlv
St. John Island, named by Cabot,
xv, xxxii, 200
St. John's Day, landfall of Cabot on,
xv, 200
St. Lawrence, Gulf of, discovered
by Cartier, xxxii, xxxiv
St. Mark, flag of, hoisted by Cabot,
202
Sanuto, Livio, had seen the map
of Sebastian Cabot, xxxv ; his
account of Cabot's study of the
variation of the compass, xxxviii
Schõner globes, liii (see Coote,
Stevens)
INDEX.
259
Searchthrift (see Burrough)
Sebastian, King of Portugal, liv
Seville, John Cabot at, xi', 208 ;
Guest of Fracastor at, 213 ; Se-
bastian Cabot at, xxvii ; hydro-
graphic department at, xxxiii
Soncino, letters to the Duke of
Milan on the voyage of Cabot,
xviii, 202 206
Soranzo, Giacomo, Venetian Am-
bassador in England, his intrigue
with Cabot, xxxvii, xliii, 226
Sphere, solid (see Globe)
Stevens', Mr., theory respecting the
coast-line on the Cantino map, 1 11.,
liv n.
Stock-fish, trade with Iceland,
204
Stow, Chronicle, date of Cabot's first
voyage, 200 n.
Sydney, land near, sighted by John
Cabot, xvii
Tanais shown on globe of Cabot,
204
Tarducci, work on the Cabots, xi
Tavilla (Tavira), in Algarve, Vasqae
Anes de Corte Real the Alcalde
Mayor of, 231
Terceira, Gaspar Corte Real sailed
from, xlv, 229, 231 ; granted to the
Corte Reals, xlv
Terra Verde, name given to New-
foundland by Corte Real, xlviii
Thirkhill, Lancelot, in second voy-
age of Cabot, xix
Thomas, xxii (see Bristol)
Tides, remark of Cabot on, 202
Timber (see Trees)
Tordesillas, treaty of, dividing lines
between dominions of Spain and
Portugal, xliv
Trees on lands discovered by Corte
Real, xlviii, 233, 234
Vannes, Dr. Peter, English Ambas-
sador at Venice, xxxvii
Variation of the compass (see
Needle) ; explained by Cabot to
Edward VI, xxxix
Varnhagen, theory respecting the
new coast-line on the Cantino map,
1ÍV 71.
Venice, intrigues of Sebastian Cabot
with, xxvii, 217 to 224; instruc-
tions of the Council of Ten to Con-
tarini, 217 ; Cabot urged by his
agent to come to, 225 ; Soranzo's
intrigue with Cabot, xxxvii, 226 ;
John Cabot called a Venetian, xi,
I97> IQ95 Sebastian Cabot born at,
xxiii, 209, 220
Waldseemuller, map in Ptolemy of,
1513. lii
Ward (see Bristol)
Whitehall, map of Clement Adams
in the privy gallery at, xxxv
Willoughby de Broke, Lord, led an
expedition to the south of France,
xxiv ; Ferdinand applied to, for
the services of Sebastian Cabot,
XXX
Willoughby and Chancellor, in-
structions for the voyage prepared
by Sebastian Cabot, xxxviii
Worthington, Mr., associated with
Cabot, xxxviii ; in possession of
papers of Cabot, xl ; account of,
xl 71.
LONDON: CHAS. J. CLARK, 4, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, W.C.
Haklaçt <&òítín$.
A CORRECTION.
In 1882 the late Gen. Sir John Henry Lefroy edited for
the Hakluyt Society a volume entitled "Tke Historye of the
Bermudas or Summer Islands" from MS. 750 of the Sloane
Collection at the British Museum. In his introductory
remarks our lamented colleague discussed the authorship
of this MS., and from internal evidence attributed it to
Capt. John Smith, the historian of Virginia.
Ten years have elapsed since the publication of Lefroy 's
work, and his conclusions have not, as far as I am aware,
been questioned. It was only quite recently that Mr.
Edward Scott, Keeper of MSS. in the Museum, while
cataloguing the Sloane Collection, came upon a MS. in the
same handwriting as 750, signed by Nathaniel Butler.
This MS., numbered 758, is described by Sir F. Madden in
his Catalogue, as follows: " 1. Memda for 12 heads of
Letters written by Capt. Nath. Butler while Governor of
the Bermudas [autogr.]. 2. A dialogicall discourse of
Marine affairs between the High Admirall and a Captaine
att sea, written in six dialogues by Capt. N. Butler in 1634,
with a table of contents prefixed. 3. A diary of my per-
sonall employments from 10 Feb. 1639 to 2 May 1640, by
the same Capt. N. Butler [autogr.]."
A comparison of the two MSS. establishes the fact of
the identity of the handwriting, though one is a fair copy,
the other a rough draft. Both, however, are written by the
same educated hand, and the signature at the end of 758,
" Xath. Butler", is genuine.
Had General Lefroy seen the Madden Catalogue he
could not have fallen into the error of attributing the
History of the Bermudas to Capt. John Smith, for Madden
expressly states that its author was Butler. But at the
time Gen. Lefroy edited his book, the Madden Catalogue,
which only went as far as 1100 of the Sloane MSS., had
been suppressed. The Ayscough Catalogue, then and still
in use, is arranged according to subjects, and our two
MSS. fall under separate headings — " Bermuda" and
11 Butler" occurring in different vols. General Lefroy, basing
his arguments on 750, the only MS. known to him, found
several passages in his History of the Bermudas identical
with Smith's Hist, of Virginia, Bk. 5, and came to the
conclusion that Smith was the author of both books. But
Capt. Smith was never at Bermuda, and there is reasonable
ground for believing that many of the materials for the
Bermuda portion of his work were supplied by Butler. At
all events he is mentioned in the list of authorities quoted
by that author under his initials X. B., and as he is known
to have visited Virginia in 1623, soon after his governor-
ship of the Bermudas was at an end, he would most
probably have met with Smith, who had returned to New
England the previous year to lend his assistance in re-
storing the fortunes of that young colony, then at a low
ebb. But even more conclusive proof is afforded by the
date, for according to Gen. Lefroy, Capt. John Smith died
in 1 63 1, while the writer of MS. 758, and consequently of
750, was living in 1640.
It may be worth mentioning that this Captain Nathaniel
Butler, who did good service as Governor of Bermuda from
1619 to 1622, and was afterwards (1638-41) Governor of
(Old) Providence Island, is one of England's forgotten
worthies, being passed over even by the Dictionary of
National BiograpJiy. He appears, too, to be the individual
committed to Newgate in June 1649 by the Council of
State for dispersing treasonable and scandalous books
{Cal. of State Papers, Domestic), by no means a singular
instance of the way justice was administered in those
days.
E. Delmar Morgan,
Hon, Sec. Hakluyt Society.
P.S. — Since the above was written and published in the
AtJicniTum, Academy, and Nation of New York, my atten-
tion has been called to the fact that Butler does appear
in the Diet, of Nat. Biogr. under " Boteler". The article is
by Prof. J. K. Laughton, who writes me that he hopes
for the opportunity of improving it in the Addenda et
Corrigenda.
7>
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prior to due date
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THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
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